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Legacy of the Maoist Communist Centre- Commemorating 25th death Anniversary

July 18, 2007

By Harsh Thakor


On July 18th 1982, 25 years ago ,Comrade Kanhai Chaterjee left for his heavenly abode. He made a historic contribution to The Indian Communist Movement as with Amulya Sen,he was the founder of he Maoist Communist Centre which was formed I Octobr 20th 1969.This organization is one of the constituents of he historically formed C.P.I(Maoist) in 2004.Kanhai Chaterjee literally lived and breathe revolution.Few Orgaisnationjs I hehistory of he Comunst Movement have launches such daring actions on the enemies.It si a tribute to he outstanding tenacity o their comrades that they survived for 35 years,traversing every thorn in the bush.

It was his innovative thinking that made him critical of Charu Mazumdar’s C.P.I(M.L.)and it’s tactical line of individual annihilation. Comrade K.C.chalked out a path for the M.C.C whereby they formulated a strategy of heir own. The methods of work they adopted resembled Comrade Mao Tse Tung’s Red Army in the revolutionary war. Few revolutionary books or observers cannot remember their striking similarity with the Chinese Peoples Liberation Corpses, particularly he way they fled to the mountains. It was Comrade Kanhai Chaterjee who believe staunchly that the time was not appropriate for the forming of the party.He felt their had to be greater development in the revolutionary movement to form a party. In his view first an agrarian revolutionary movement had to be launched. Today it is significant that both the Charu Mazumar C.P.I(M.L) and the Maoist Communist Centre are recognized as the founding parties and not just Charu Mazumdar’s
party.(The Peoples War and Party Unity Groups staunchly defended the Charu Mazumdar Party as the re-organised party.)

History of the Formation of the Party.(Compiled from PeoplesMarch-Nov 2004 issue)
The Maoist Communist Centre was originally called the ‘Dakshin Desh ‘group
It was originally apart of he A.I.C.CR but eventually pulled out.


Comrades Kanai Chatterjee and Amulya Sen, while working amongst the masses in Kolkata, Howrah and Hoogli and comrade Chandrashekar Das raised the banner of revolt against the line of the CPM 7th Congress. The “Chinta” group was formed in 1965 as a secret revolutionary centre within the CPM carrying out revolutionary propaganda amongst its rank-an-file. In 1965/66 six issues of the magazine were brought out whichdealt with the following topics: (a) the class character of the Indian state, (b) China’s path is our path, (c) neo-colonialism and the weapon of PL 480’s role, (d) the Programme of the 7th Congress, the nature of the revisionist leadership and the peasant question in India, etc. The CPM’s English and Bengali organs launched a massive attacks on the articles that appeared in the “Chinta”. This resulted in big discussions throughout the rank-and-file. In late 1966 the secret magazine, “Chinta”, was closed down and a magazine named “Dakshin Desh” was brought out openly. The group came to be known as the “Dakshin Desh” group. In early 1967, before the Naxalbari uprising com. Kanai Chatterjee had a long discussion with Com. CM. At this meeting they had a common understanding on advancing the peasant movement and decided to maintain close relations.


But the relations did not grow. From 1967 to 1969 the then “Dakshin Desh” group built up the movement in Kolkata, Howrah, Hoogli, Midnapur, Bardhwan,Birbum and 24 Parganas, together with some work in Assam and Tripura. They built the peasant movement firstly in Sonarpur during the later part of the 60s and then in Kanksa in Bardhwan district. Thereafter they established some contacts with Bihar, it began work there. In October 1969 the MCC was formed. It was Com. Kanai Chatterjee who laid the basic line for their
Centre in the very first issue of “Lal Pataka” brought out in 1969. The important topics dealt with were: (a) the importance of Maoism (then called ‘thought’) in the present era, (b) in the present situation the tactical line and tactical slogans, (c) the correct policy towards the participation in elections and a correct analysis of the boycott of elections, saying that
though it was a question of tactics, it acquires the significance of strategy in the concrete conditions of India, (d) the Correct line regarding the armed agrarian revolutionary war, that is, protracted people’s war including army building and base areas (e) correct orientation towards forms of struggle (open and secret, legal and illegal, peaceful and armed), (f)
the programme, tactics and methods of the peasant struggle, (g) approach and method towards the UF, (h) political propaganda (i) on the women’s question, the student movement and the nationality question in India, and (j) methods of leadership..(excerpted from Peoples March Nov-Dec 2004 issue) The founding documents of the M.C.C. stressed te importance of base areas in he revolutionary process.”If we are to build armed agarian revolution,a peoples army and red base areas ,we will always have to remain firm on some basic principles regarding their inter-relation.The building up and consolidation of the armed agrarian revolution,peoples army and base areas -thes tasks are related to each other. “If we are to build up an agrarian revolution no peoples army can be built up.Similarly an agrarian revolution cannot be built up without a Peoples Army..Again without a peoples army no base area can be built up. Similarly without base areas the very existence of peoples army cannot be maintained. It is only through agrarian revolutionary
guerilla struggle and the establishment of the peoples army that a red base area can be built up Again throug this work alone can the revolutionary high tide can be accelerated throughout the country,and depending on the base areand with the help of he Peoples Army,the agrarian revolution alo can be consolidated,deepened an expanded.”This statement was he chief demarcating factor of the M.C.C withthe C.P.I.(M.L).

Some references from July-Oct 1997 issue of Vanguard regarding polemical differences of M.C C with Peoples War Group.

Quoting Kanhai Chaterjee “It is wrong to say that Dakshin Desh Group left the A.I C.C.R because of it’s difference es on the issue of immediate formatin of he [party.A.I.C.C.R.did not recognize any group with aseparate identity like he 'Dakshin Desh Groups as it's constituents.No representative of this group was amember o he Est Bengal Co-ordination Committee. Or of he A.I.C.C.R."

The M.C.C made the following criticism of the C.P.I(M.L) 'Naturally as the party was formed without following the revolutionary process, method and style, some known degenerated elements could capture some posts in the leadership from he beginnings. This facilitates undeclared groups and a tendency of group mentality and bureacratism replacing democratic Centralism.'

Kanhai Chaterjee stated "We have to give utmost importance on organ sing extensive political campaign and political exposure campaign on a large scale. Only this will take us towards he path of Peoples War and inspire the masses to politics of Socialism,peoples Democracy and armed peoples dictatorship under the leadership of the working class.In view of he present semi-colonial and semi-feudal society of India the exposure of the economy an politics at present and the propogation of the politics of agrarian evolution or peoples democratic revolution will take the centre sage in the whole programme.

Phases of struggle of M.C.C

The first phase can be stretched from 1964 to 1968 and began when the revisionist line was established at the first Congress of the CPI (M). i) drawing a clear line of demarcation with the revisionists in the political and organizational fields, (ii) linking the daily revolutionary practice of Indian revolution to the theory (iii) developing a political and
tactical line not merely as a formality, but giving it a concrete structure in various spheres of activity and (iv) based on these revolutionary policies, style and method, and in the course of revolutionary struggles and guided by a revolutionary theory, to build a revolutionary party. The second phase, which stretched from 1969 to 1978, was a period of implementation of the party's line, policies and plans. It was a period of gaining practical
experience towards the path of establishing the 'Red Agrarian Revolutionary Resistance War.' Work was begun on this basis in the Sundarbans, 24 Parganas, Hoogli, Midnapur, Kanksa, Gaya and Hazaribagh. Of these experiences the most encouraging was that of Kanksa and Hazaribagh. Here, a wide movement was built on issues like wage hike, seizure of crops, fertiliser problem, confiscation of grains from landlords and against
various forms of political and social oppression. Also, a wide mass movement was built, some notorious landlords punished and steps were taken towards disarming of the enemy and arming the people.

However although claiming to defer from Charu Mazumdar's line in their actual working process ,their practice was virtually The same. The Maoist Communist Centre also deployed the tactic of "Individual annihilation of the Class Enemy.'It was Comrade Kanhai Chaterjee who made a rectification of the line where the formation of mass organizations and bulding of mass movements was indispensable.The M.C.C did not build separate peasant organization but had a strategy to build he KrantiKari Kisan Comitees.These Committees tried the landlords and re-distributed land to the landless
peasants. Punishments weRe awarded to guilty Landlords.Mass Fronts were also bilt in he student,youth women and Cultural Front.The Nari Mukti Sanggh,a mass organization of women led a significant movement. It was in 1978 when the MC.C made a self-correction and decided to form mass organizations like the Revolutionary Peasants Committee. The mistakes of the past were analysed. The third phase, which stretched from 1979 to 1988, was a period of taking the lessons, both positive and negative, of the second phase and enriching both the theory and practice. In this phase the MCC focused on Bihar; and with the perspective of building a people's army and base area, the Bihar-Bengal Special Area Committee was established, the 'Preparatory Committee for Revolutionary Peasant Struggles' was formed and soon Revolutionary Peasant Councils emerged. In this phase militant struggles developed and the landlords' authority smashed, thousands of acres of land seized and distributed to the landless, and property of the
landlords seized and distributed..

Relation with C.P.I(M.L)Peoples War .(Compiled from Peoples March) It has been a long and tortuous path of over two decades of discussions between the two parties. The process witnessed many ups and downs. It saw even some dark periods. But finally it emerged triumphant. The first ever meeting between the latter two parties began in 1981, when the then leaders, comrade Kanai Chatterjee of the then MCC and com KS of the
then CPI(ML)(PW) met for over 12 days. After this very first meet both leaders, though belonging to different streams, stated that the grounds to merge are strong as both were basically traversing a similar path. Both parties set out the procedure for preparation of the documents and then merger. Meanwhile, the erstwhile CPI(ML)[Party Unity] also had good
relations with the then MCC, both having regular touch. This too continued until the early 1990s, after which relations soured and clashes began. Though the desire for unity of the PW and the MCC was strong it did not progress much, because of various reasons. In 1982 com. KC died out of illness caused from the rigours of underground life and com. KS was arrested. After that the PW was rocked by two major internal crises in the CC, on both occasions involving the general secretaries of the party. Though attempts to further the unity process continued, particularly in the brief period between the two crises (1988-90), it was only after its resolution that talks were again taken up in seriousness from 1992. This continued for three years, after which it finally broke down due to some differences on international issues. Both parties issued a joint statement for the failure
of the talks, outlining the differences and its suspension for the time being but vowing to take it up again later. Then relations to some extent also soured between the MCC and the PW, particularly after the merger of PW and PU.

Then in 1998 the two major parties within the M-L trend, the PW and the PU, merged to form a single party of this trend. But already the situation at the ground level in Bihar had deteriorated and after 1998 the clashes between PW and the MCC continued and intensified. Then the two parties entered the period now referred to as the “Black Chapter” of the Indian revolution. Large numbers were killed from both sides. This situation caused much damage to the revolutionary movement. This process continued even when various genuine supporters of the movement opposed the retaliatory methods adopted by both parties. Many intellectuals and progressive elements who support revolution appealed to both the parties to stop these clashes. Different communist revolutionary groups and parties in the country appealed to resolve the clashes. Many South Asian Maoist parties, and other international Maoist forces also appealed to stop the clashes. In due course the process of rethinking was already going on inside the MCC. At the time of the PW/PU unity itself the PW took a decision to unilaterally stop clashes, but neither did it make it public nor convey it to the MCC, so it had little impact. In this overall backdrop the MCC took the initiative in openly declaring a unilateral ceasefire in January, 2000. Thereafter, PW also responded to stop the clashes. Hence the negative relation between the two parties started turning into a positive one. In the meantime the PW held its 9th Congress in August, 2001. Also the MCCI had to face a major two line struggle with a small faction from within on certain ideological-political and other issues.

Finally, the process of talks between the two parties was once again started in August 2001. The other important reason for the growing closeness of the two were the decisions of the PW Congress which rectified some of its earlier understandings and also adopted Maoism in place of Mao Thought. In the very first meeting the delegations of the two parties offered a serious self-criticism, and decisions were taken to initiate joint activities at the Bihar/Jharkhand level. The written self-criticisms were taken publicly throughout the rank-and-file of the Bihar/Jharkhand party and the situation further developed in the positive direction. Throughout the period of the latter part of 2001 and entire 2002 major joint activities were taken in Bihar-Jharkhand including the successful three-day economic blockade of the two states in protest against POTA. Talks also continued between these two parties through this period. Finally, it was in the important Feb. 2003 bilateral meeting that a decision was taken to take concrete steps for starting discussion on ideological- political issues of line with the clear direction and purpose of merger of the two parties. In
this meeting a serious and extensive self-criticism was put forward by both parties for the “Black Chapter” and this too was carried publicly. Both parties vowed never to repeat clashes with class friends no matter how severe the difference. At this meeting the grounds were also laid to advance and finalise the process of merger They were, firstly, on the ideology of the Party — Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The other documents decided to be drafted were on the Programme, Strategy & Tactics, Political Resolution on the International and Domestic Situation, and the Party Constitution. The task of drafting the five documents was divided amongst the two parties. Then, in four rounds of negotiations, between the high-level delegations of the two Parties and the respective CCs, final agreement was reached after detailed discussions on these documents on all major issues at a joint meeting of the two CCs on Sept.2004. The documents were adopted and decided to be translated into about 10 regional languages to be discussed throughout
the party. Some minor differences that remained were referred for further discussion and study to be clinched at a later date. Finally the joint CC meeting of both parties took the decision of merger and a Central Committee (Provisional) was established.

Work on Mass Fronts

In the open mass work the Maoist Communist Centre formed the first revolutionary Student Organisation in Bihar ,the Revolutionary Students League and a strong Cultural organizations,the Krantikari Budhijibi Sangh and the Krantikari Sanskritik Sangh. .It also set up various units of the Krantikari Kisan Commitees,which carried out Peoples Courts against class enemies and distributed land to the tiller. They also consolidated it’s
peasant movement . Another Significant contribution og the M.C C was the work of their women’s front organization,the ‘Nari Mukti Sangh”They played a major role leading tribal revolts of women.in Bihar However by the late 1990’s its student and youth front was totally destroyed by enemy forces.The party recruited 500 wholetimers and more than 10000 members.The Emergence of revolutionary student organisations was of great significance in Bihar. The Revolutionary Students League led by the Maoist Communist Centre was the first ever Revolutionary Student organisation which carried out the first ever Go to Villages campaign in Bihar by a student front in 1989.In that campaign they upheld the Chinese Revolution in commemorating the 40th anniversary year. A Village campaign was also held in1993 protesting against the Death Sentence on M.C.comrades in the Dalechauk Baghera Uprising in Aurangabad and against the demolition of the Babri Masjid in December 1992,where a cycle rally was also held.Memorable Comrades of the Maoist Communist Centre.

.In 1978 Comrdae Jeeblal and several cadres were responsible or he rectification line in the M.C.C.Comrade Jeblal Mahto was martyred .Comrade Mahato was a peasnt activist who was killed I apolice encounter. Comrade Kamdeo,was the son of a middle peasant. Who left college to work as arailway labourr.On August 7th 1984 he was engulfed by the police while satging ameeeting of the Krantikari Kisan Commitewe.He was shot in cold
blood with his hands tied behind his back.His last wordswere ‘Long ive the Revolution.’
Cpmrade Rameshwar Yadav was the son of a middle peasant. In 1976 he joined the M.C.C an became an important peasant leader .He led armed actions with immaculate skill. Ironically he was killed on Republic day while conducting a meeting in Lenjoa village in Hazirabagh district.

KrantiKari Kisan Committee.Notse compiled From Aloke Banerjee’s article fromWorld to win and A.I R.S F.publication(Naxalabari.-Not just the name of a village”-commemorating 30 years) Struggles were adopted through a huge network of villages. In the initial stages a Krantikari Kisan Sanharsh Committee was formd.(Preparatoty Committee for Revolutinary Peasnt Styruggles)When the peasants were organized in large numbers under this banner,these committees wee developed into full fledged Krantikari Kisan Commitees’.(Revolutionay Peasnt Councils) The 2 slogans raised were “All land to the Real Tillers’ and ALL Power to the Peasant Commitees”.The rape and molestation of wome was taken up in al earnest .Notorious dacoits were punished. The forcible harvesting of crops planted by landlords on gair-Mazruia land was also challenged and they were


seized by he Revolutionary Comitees. All types of disputes wre challenged at the village level Armed Red Defence Corpses were active in supporting the strugglesSelf 0defece squads were formed of the village youth. The main areas struggle were Hazaribagh, Gaya and Aurangabad.

One famous action was carried out on landlord Rameshwar Singh.For years the peasants were trampled by the landlords iron feet. On January 6th 1983 the Kisan Committee gathered at is ‘Kacheri’. He was arrested and tried. They not only killed him but burnt his house. This was the firs time that he people seriously saw the need of combining mass struggles with armed movements.

From Gaya to Dhanbad,the struggle spread to Bokaro,Aurangabad,Hazaribagh and Giridih.Later in land seizure movements starting in fulls wing from 1986 to 1990,7000 acres of land were re-distributed.They also raised spectacular squad actios.In August 2001 an armeds quad under the leadership of the Maoist Communist Centre stopped a truckload og grain and distributed half thes acks of pulses to the masses,before they wee forced to retreat by the arrival of police enforcements.The next ,night they repeated the experience
halting,8000 strong,5 trucks on the Grand Trunk Road.Slogans were shouted calling for confiscating the moneylenders good sto distributr amogst the poor,to establish the authority of the revolutionary peasnt committees and protect the people from starvation. Before the goods were distributed,thirty jeeploads of police arrived at the scene.For hours there was afierce combat as the revolutionaries had laid mines.M.CC combatants herouically resisted the might of the police forces.(From Aloke Banerjee’s Article-’Inside M.C.C Country’)

A special court in Gaya had meted out a life imprisonment to a number of members of the Krantikari Kisan Committee which had led an uprising in the 1990’s that had seen the militant involvement of thousands of poor anmd middle peasants.The M.C.Ccalled for a 72 hour bandh in Bihar and Jharkahnd in protest.Rialwyy tracks were blocked,Schools and colleges boycotted,courts boycotted,shops and markets closed Etc. Revolutionary raids in retaliation were organized by the M.C.C during the 3 day bandh. IN Lohardaga,Gumla
etc.(Aloke Banerjee-’Inside M.C.C country.

This trend spread all over and hundreds of landlords were brought to he book. Guilty landlords we shaved and paraded in public. The most notorious we sentenced to death. Some even repented and were forgiven. hey would now operate under he watchful administration of he Committee. All the ‘Kacheri’s’ were razed to the ground. Famous examples were Moha Khan of Kadirganj I Gaya,Madhumati ingh of Balia,Surakasha Singh ofPachmi,,Main Singh the owner of 2900 acres in Pipra and the Mahant of Bodhgaya.The famous words ‘Utha Hai ToofanZamana Badal Raha’ were now echoing all over.(A storm
has risen ,the times are changing).The M.C.C also called ahistoric 72 hour bandh I Bihar and Jharkhand against he death sentence ofn membersof the Krantikari Kisan Committee who had led ahistoric uprising.Schools,colleges,courts,offices,shops and markets remained closed.All movement of vehicles virtually ceased.Railway services came to a
standstill.Thousands of people lay on the railway tracks.Business came to a standstill. Revolutionary raids were organized in Lohardaga ,Gumla and elsewhere.

Memorable Actions(Compiled fro ‘A World to Win Article by Aloke Banerjee and from A.I.R.S.F.booklet-’Naxalbari is not just the name of a Village’ The M.C C.launched a series of military type attacks on the police and military forces..On December 2002 , The M.C C was able to disarm 66 jawans in a raid when they captured 50 weapons after attacking a police contingent in Jharkhand. In his appraisal of the Movement of M.C.C Prakash
Singh(Former Inspector General of Police in his book The Naxalite Movement in India) States:The M.C.C has been running a parallel judicial system in certain pockets.These are described as Jan Adalat or Peoples Courts.Farzand Ahmed of India Today writes this example,”Silence descends as Laxman, the area commander of M.C.C , a sinister figure with his face covered appears.The 2 acused, with their hands tied behind their backs are brought in.Laxman launches into his ideological monologue ‘In today’s system, the toiling masses working hard but get nothing to eat. On the other hand, these bastard thieves lift goats and diesel. He then asks the villagers to select 5 judges. The 5 judge bench hears he charges and announces its verdict -5 lathi blows and 5 slaps by each children publicly.The verdict ,confirmed by the people by avoice vote is quickly executed, accompanied by the requisite

slogan’Naxalbari Ek Hi Rasta.’

One of he most famous actions carried out by the M.C.C was in Dalechauk Baghera in Aurangabad on May 29th 1987.The Yadav activists of the Maoist Communist Centre slaughtered 42 Rajputs in retaliation for murders. Aurangabad is a feudal centre.I Seshani Village the landlords launched an atack on Seshani vilage on April 19th 1987.This was in retaliation to the policies of the Krantikari Kisan Commitees who banned the selling of 150
acres of land owned by the Mahanta of Jnibigha village. This land was brought by Lootan Sinh. The Kisan Commitee destroyed the office of Babu Lotan and his tractors wee burnt. A red flag was hoisted over his land. The landlords were also enraged by an earlier clash with the M.C.C and the fact that hundreds of Mahua trees were owned by the Kisan SAmiti.In a attack he landlords launched an attack on M.C.C activists in Seshani, killing 8
activists and 2 children.

Following this the Red Defence Corpes launched an attack on Dalechauk Baghera. That area historically had the most notorious landlords like Satyendra Narayan Singh,Ram Narseh Singh and Lootan Babu.Triveni Singh,SAmresh Singh and Abhan Singh wee other tyrants. It was the Krantikari Kisan Commitees that challenged their might. Another similar incident took place i Bara village in Gaya district o February 12th 1992,when 37 upper caste members of the Bhumihar caste wee hacked to death.


According to Prakash Singh(Former Inspector General of Police0 in his book’The Naxalite Movement in India’:The party has built an armed wing known as the Lal Raksha Dal and manged to stockpile about 7 to eight hundred firearms of different descriptions,including a couple of A-K 47 Rifles. ..
Jharkhand.

Here the M.C.C led a famous movement. They negotiated with leaders of the Jharkahand Mukti Morcha LIKE Sibu Soren and Vinod Mahato that a separate state was no solution for the tribals and what was fundamentally required was uprooting the social system.nI Jharkhand the .M.C.C waged many a famous struggle ,seizing and re-distributing landlord’s land. They defended the formation of separate state of Jharkand but only when it was connected to the overall class struggle.Sibu Soren was unsympathetic but Vinod Mahato was impressed with the M.C.C. Between 1987 an 1990,over 7000 acres of land in
Chatanpur were re-distributed among the villagers.Forset offices were attacked .In 1991 the landlords formed the Sunlight Sena in retaliation .The M.C C retaliated. Their armed squads liquidated the entire Sena in the region.

Assesment of the Maoist Communist Centre.

Strengths

The fact that for 35 years it survived he onslaught of the Indian State with phenomenal tenacity inWest Bengal,Bihar Etc leading an arm3ed struggle in Bihar is one of the greatest achievements in he annals of the orld Communist Movement.The military action sit conducted are comparable to the intensity in Peoples Wars in Nepal ,Peru and Phillipines and the style of functioning to some extent resmbled the Chinse Comunist Party in heir revolutionary Armed Struggle.It’s mass fronts joined the All India League for
Revolutionary Culture and the All India Revolutionary Students Federation.It’s final merger into the C.P.I(Maoist) is a historical achievement.

It must be noted that the heroic actions carried out in Bihar and Jharkhand today is virtually the line of the Maoist Communist Centre until the 2004 merger into the C.P.I.(Maoist). The erstwhile Party Unity or Peoples War Group never carried out as intense military actions.Eg Historic Jehanabad Jail break.and the Giridh Armoury raid (commemorating the 75th annioversary of the Chittagong Armouy raid It is the M.C.C which has made he biggest contribution to the bulding of the Peoples Liberation Guerilla Army in Bihar and Jharkkhand.

To me one of the most significant historical contribution sof M.C C was their challenging the authenciy of the C.P.I(M.L) formed by Charu Mazumdar.THe fact that the recently constituted C.P.I(Maoist) considers both the Charu Mazumdar Party and the M.C C as the percusors of the re-organised party proves the historical contribution of the M.C.C.In the authors view the revolutionary party has not been re-organised,nor has it developed a
mass military line. It is fascinating that even 10 years ago the C.P.I(M.L) Peoles War wrote a polemical critique on MC’C’ refusal to recognize the Charu Mazumdar C.P.I(M.L) as the re-organised party.The peoples War Group thought that it was a left sectarian stand of the M.C.C , unable to understand how sectarian the Charu Mazumdar C.P.I(M.L) was with regard to comrades and organizations outside the A.I C.C R. Weaknesess

The most important question of historic assessment was their original difference with the original C.P.I(M.L) and later why it developed serious differences with the Peoples War Group or Party Unity Group to the extent that even inter-group clashes occurred on a wide scale.This reflected he defective military line of both the erstwhile Peoples War Group and the M.C.C. True they resolved it ultimately but did they analyse the root cause
of the clashes and rectify those aspects of the line that caused them?

Although M.C.C led a historic armed struggle it’s movement was vitiated with serious defects. The organization was unable to develop a correct mass military line .Several actions were performed which did not take into account the state and development of the agrarian revolutionary movement in their respective areas. Such actions instead of basing themselves on people’s mass movements, substituted them. A correct strategy has not been adopted to develop base areas f rom guerilla Zones. It has not successful defended or consolidated base areas as he Chinse Communist Party did. In this light it is very important to study the method the Chinese Communist Party adopted while carrying out their armed revolutionary struggle. This year is 80 years since the famous Chinkanshang uprising in China. (In 1927 Mao’s Red Army retreated to the mountains. That was the year the seeds of armed struggle was launched with he Autumn Harvest or Nanchang Uprising on August 1st 1927..It is also the 80 th anniversary year of the formation of the Chinese Peoples Liberation Army) It would also be significant to compare how the Maoist Communist Center consolidated their base areas in comparison with he Chinese Communist Party in their base areas i the 1930’s.The Chinese Red Army. always stressed on the relation of the armed movement with the Agrarian revolution. Even during armed struggle or conducting armed actions they consolidated agrarian revolution and re-distributed land. In this light it is also important to compare the period in China of consolidation and preparation of the peasant mass movement before armed struggle was launched .I uphold their merger with Peoples War Group and heir self -condemnation as
remarkable but I don’t hink they have made aself-critical analysis of the agrarian revolutionary or military line.The M.C.C often adopted the line of the ‘Individual annihilation of he class enemy’, in contrast to the mass line. Significantly it was known as he ‘Jungle’ party as it hardly resorted to open activity.

Athough mass organizations were formed they were utilized as mere front organizations of the M.C.C and not given a distinct open identity .Legal and open mass struggles were neglected to a considerable extent. The relation between armed struggle and open mass activity was hardly developed . Open mass struggles were reqired during repression of democratic rights,communal riots ETC.During the 1993 Babri Masjid riots,there were hardly any open mass movements organized in opposition (although mass fronts launched some protests)A separate revolutionary peasant organization was not formed. There was also confusion between caste and clas Struggle.Acts were launched against oppression of down trodden cates without taking into account class analysis.(1987 Dalechauk-Baghera massacre of RAjputs being he best example)Work on the trade Union sphere was neglected and hardly any emphasis was placed on building revolutionary struggle with the urban areas.(WEst Begal is he best example)

One theoretical weakness of the Maoist Communist Centre was it’s replacing the term ‘Mao Zedong Thought’,with ‘Maoism.’Even the C.C.P did not replace Mao Tse Tung Thought with Maoism in the Socialist and Cultural Revolution Period.This denies the fact that it is the ‘era of imperialism’ as profounded by Comrade Lenin. It also joined the Revolutionary Internationalist movement ,a Communist International Organization,which
was prematurely formed, without adequate development of the World Communist Movement.

Let us end the article dipping our blood to all the martyrs of the Maoist Communist Cente and bow down to he immortal contributions of Comrade Kanhai Chaterjee. Red Salutes to Comrade Kanhai Chaterjee on his 25th death anniversary day.(Founder of Maoist Communist Centre)and all the Martyrs of the Maoist Communist Centre.

Pay Homage first to Founding members Kanhai Chaterje,Amulya Sen,Chandrashekar Das.
Pay Homage to mass activists ,leaders like Revolutionary Student League leader Com Arjun,(Martyred in 1995.He joined R.S L in 1987 playing a major role in the student movement by initialisng ‘Go To Village Campaigns’.Murdered on 10th July 1995 by Sukar Paswan and his criminal goons in Bageshwari,Gaya after being kidnapped)Comrade Manoj ( C.Y.L.activist and later armed squad member.Killed in encounter on July 1998). C.YL.activist Baijnath Singh,Krantikari KIsan Committee activists Jeeblal Mahato, (1978) Rameshwar Yadav,KamdeoEtc. ,(August 7th,1984) By Harsh Thakor With reference to
‘Naxalbari is not just the name of a village’-commemorating 30 years of Naxalbari
‘Peoples March’ ‘A World to Win -Article by Aloke Banerjee. ‘Naxalite Movement in India’by Prakash Singh. This year is the 20th anniversary year of the Famous Dalechauk Baghera
Uprising on May 29th 1987. It is also the 10th death anniversary year of Comrade Baijnath,who fought valiantly in the Revolutionary Student League and the C.Y.L but sadly commited suicide due to socio-economic misfortune.He was born in 1967,so it
is also his 40th birth anniversary year.

Important notes with regArd to ChinEse Recvolution in light of studying both the postive and negative aspects of the line of M.C.C We must remember the method of functioning of the Chinese Red Army in the period of pre- armed struggle and armed struggle phase. It is relevant to compare the armed struggle of the C.P.I. (Maoist) with the armed struggle of
the Chinese Red Army. And asses the similarities and differences. With Here are some compiled notes from ‘Red Star over China’ and “Edgar Snow’s China.”Significantly it is he 80th anniversary year of the period when armed Struggle was launched in China.

“By spring peasant struggles began to erupt in Hupeh, KInagsi, Fukien and Hunan, with a militant tendency. In 1927 the Autumn Harvest uprising was organized which propagated a programme.Before 1927 Mao had written a thesis on the peasant movement through his ‘Report and Investigation of the Peasant movement in Hunan’14 great deeds were mentioned .The greatest one was that the poor peasants were organized against the enemies. In addition to that political prestige of landlords was smashed, landlords compelled to audit accounts, grain hoarding opposed, police chiefs offices taken over and magistrates elected, most brutal oppressors paraded through the streets, usury stopped, landlords militia conquered banditry eliminated, oppressive landlords fined, male tyranny over woman fought against, mass education amongst illiterates promoted, superstitious customs fought against, marketing and credit co-operatives organized, and roads and irrigation projects built financed by landlords.

Attempts at armed risings in Canton and Nanchang were ruthlessly suppressed.
Collecting fragments of the peasant associations Mao launched the first rural armed insurrection, called the Autumn Harvest Uprising. Implementing complete separation from the Kuomintang, organisation of a peasant worker revolutionary army, confiscation of the property of small and middle, as well as great landlords, setting up the power of the Communist Party of Hunan and organization of the Soviets By September a widespread uprising was organized, through the peasant uprisings of Hunan, and the first units of
the worker-peasant army were formed. Recruits were drawn from the peasantry, the Hanyang miners and the insurrectionist troops of the Kuomintang. This was called the ‘First division of the Workers and peasants army.’ It is significant that the miners were included as it illustrates the importance of the work I the Working class area. By 1922 the Hunan party had already organized more than twenty trade Unions among miners, railway workers, municipal employees, renters and workers in the govt.mint. Numerous
struggles were organized with youth and students.” “‘In the 6th Congress of the Party resolutions wee made approving of the emphasis on the agrarian movement. Work as expanded to new Soviet district A democratic programme was propagated in the Soviet of Chingkanshan in November 1927.Mao’s first army front committee refused to adopt the
putschist tactics of raiding, burning and killing the landlords. In May 1928 Chu The’s forces combined with Mao’s and a plan was drawn to build a six hsien soviet area to consolidate the Communist power in the Hunan,Kiangsi,Kwantung border districts.2 tendencies were combated.0ne to advance to the capital of Changshah,the other to retreat to the South of the Wanton border. It was advocated that land had to be divided, masses armed Etc.Kuomintang officials wee killed and Soviet governments established areas
which included a population of fifty-70 millions of peasants were bolshevized. A mass effort to establish political, economic and social reforms was launched.Landlords, usurers and local militarists were liquidated Debts were canceled, deeds torn up, and land distributed amongst peasants and soldiers.

Fascinatingly, originally the Red Army was armed with traditional arms like pitchforks and spears. (Similar to Naxalbari Movement in India).”

“The 4th army went on to carry successful campaigns after the 4th Red army was formed in Chingkanshan.A soviet was established in Tongue where unity was built with local red troops. The existence of militant mass movements prior to the arrival of the Red Army assured their successs, and helped to consolidate Soviet power. The influence of the Red Army now extended, through the agrarian mass movements and partisans. A conference was held in Lucien in December 1929, which developed the plans for the future of the Red
Army. It paved the way for the creation of soviet in Kiangsi.Question of land policy was argued at length, an s well as the struggle against opportunism. The Kiangsi provisional Soviet govt was formed which was enthusiastically received by the peasants.”

In the later period it is worth recounting how the Chinese Red Army was victorious in the 5th campaign against Chiang Kai Shek.The Red Army retreated from Kiangsi so swiftly and secretly that the main forces of red troops, estimated at about 90,000 men, had already been marching for several days before the enemy headquarters was aware of what was happening. Partisans replaced the regular troops in Southern Kiangsi when practically the whole red army was constituted near Yutu, in Southern Kiangsi the order
was given for the Great Long March. Besides the army, thousands of red peasants, children, and women including non –communist elements joined the march….’

“By 1935 It is worth recounting the achievements of the Red Army formed ‘Soviet Society’. Land was confiscated from the officials big landlords, tax collectors Etc and the immediate demands of the poor peasantry was satisfied. he Reds not only created the economic base for support amongst the poor and landless peasantry by giving them farms but in some cases won the gratitude of the middle peasants, by abolishing tax exploitation. I n
some cases small landlords was won over to their side in the anti-Japanese movement. Both the landlord and rich peasant was allowed as much land as they could as long as they cultivated it with their own labour.In districts where there was no land scarcity, the lands of resident landlords and rich peasants was not confiscated, but the wasteland and land of absentee owners was distributed Poor farmers were given loans at very low rates of interest, Usury was abolished and several thousand agricultural implements made in the
Red Arsenals. Thousands of pounds of grain were supplied to landless peasants breaking wasteland. A primitive agricultural school was built, too. Co-operative farming was introduced Corruption was stopped, opium was eliminated that had been so predominant earlier, beggary and unemployment eliminated, foot binding abolished, child slavery abolished, prostitution banned, introduced divorce laws I, education made free and universal Etc.”

“The fact that the Reds had their base in the mass of the population was reflected in the fact that in all the older Soviet Districts the policing and guarding was done by the peasant organizations alone. There were few red Army garrisons in the Soviet Districts all the fighting strength of the army being kept I the Front. Local defense was carried out by the village defense corps, peasant guards and partisans The Intensive organization of the
peasantry created a rear guard and base which freed the Red Army to operate with extreme mobility for which it was noted… Wherever the Reds went they radically changed the situation of the tenant farmer, the poor farmer he middle farmer and all the have not elements .All forms of taxation were abolished in the new districts only a progressive single tax on land was collected .The Reds gave land to the land hungry peasants and also seized the land and livestock from the wealthy classes and re-distributed it to the
poor.”

“A structure was established within the Soviets. Each village elected its delegates to the higher Soviets clear up to the delegates elected for the Soviet Congress. Various committees were established under each of the district Soviets. An all powerful Committee, usually elected in a mass meeting shortly after the occupation of a district by the Red Army, and preceded by an intensified propaganda campaign, was the revolutionary Committee. It called for elections and re-elections, and closely cooperated
with the Communist Party.Commitees were formed in every branch organ of the Soviets, right up to the Central Government. The Communist Party had an extensive membership amongst farmers and workers and not only in the government. There was also an organization of Young Communist-The young vanguards and the Children’s brigades. Mass Organizations like Communist Youth Leagues, Etc were organized. Peasant guards were also incorporated into such an organized structure. The mass base of the soviet Movement was built upon the organization of workers and peasants Unions, with the
principal role in the hands of the peasantry.’

“The Chinese Communists never regarded land distribution as anything more than a phase in building a mass base. They ultimately aimed to establish a Socialist State In Fundamental Laws of the Chinese Soviet Republic; The first All-China-Soviet Congress in 1931 had written an established programme showing this. However the social, political and economic organization of the Red districts had always been a provisional affair and still the main task was to build a military and political base for the extension of revolution
on a wider and deeper scale, rather than try out Communism in China.” Collective production brigades were established Activities were carried out beyond production and distribution. Great areas could be quickly planted and harvested collectively. In ‘Saturday Brigades’ not only children’s organizations but every Soviet official, Red Partisan, Red Guard, omens organization members, and any Red Army detachment participated. An economic, cultural and political Unity was incorporated through this process

The mass line of the Red army is depicted by a red Devil. (members of the children’s or youth corpse) ‘Are there any landlords left here?
The Young comrade Hsiao Key replied, ‘No, no landlords. They have all run away and been killed by our Red Army’
This answer reflected how the masses felt that the Red Army was their own army.
During the Long March, often the peasantry sent groups to urge the reds to
detour and liberate their districts. The broad masses only understood it was
a poor man’s army and hardly understood the Red Army’s political
programme.The Red Army had destroyed land deeds, abolished taxes and armed
the poor peasantry.”

Commemorating the 20th anniversary of the ‘Anti Communal and anti State terrorism Front’.

July 12, 2007

Commemorating the 20th anniversary of the famous rally on July 10 th 1987 in
Moga in Faridkot district in Punjab by the ‘Anti Communal and anti State
terrorism Front’.

By Harsh Thakor

Introduction

July 10 th 1987 is day when the democratic and revolutionary movement will
remember for hundreds of years.On this day the revolutionary masses of
Punjab under the leadership of the ‘Anti-Communal and anti-repression Front
held a huge 10,000 strong rally thwarting the offensive of the Khalistani
forces.The people of Punjab assembled like a swarm of bees in this historic
protest. It was the first major state-wide protest against the enemies. One
was reminded o the American fascist onslaught on the peole of Vietnam.The
heroic resistance of he masses also resmbled this.They valiantly fought
against the iron feet of oppression Khalistani movement marked a historic
epic in the history of post-Independent India. This reactionary communal
fascist movement advocated the liberation of Sikhs and a separate state to
be carved out for the Sikh people. Khalistani ideology advocated a separate
theocratic state based on all the tenets of Sikhism.
Jagjit Singh Chauhan was the founder of this movement in the late 60’s
abroad. Natively from Punjab he had settled abroad, and in Britain formed
Sikh religious groups advocating a new state for the Sikhs.
The Khalistani dictates included a ban on cigarettes, a ban on eating meat,
a ban on drinking liquor, a ban on beauty parlours, prohibition against
shaving and compulsion of women to wear Salwar Kameez. The people had to
observe the Khalistani code in all ways of life.
In Punjab the Akali Dal represented the religious Sikh politics through the
Akali movement which had its origin in the Singh Sabha movement of the late
1920’s which tried to communalise a secular anti-imperialist movement. To
divert it, the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabhandak committee was formed with the
blessings of the British.

The Akali movement professed the Anandpur Sahib resolution that converted
several democratic issues into Sikh demands. Democratic demands of the
people like the arrest of the Jodhpur detenues, the sharing of river waters
with Haryana, the transfer of the capital from Chandigarh to Amritsar, and
the punishing of criminals during the Delhi riots were taken up as religious
issues.

However the fundamental difference of the Akali Dal from the Khalistanis was
that they wanted to gain power within the Indian State through electoral
means, while the Khalistanis advocated a total religious liberation struggle
to de-throne the Indian State. There were forces within the Akali Dal which
openly supported the Khalistani armed actions and election boycott, like the
United Akali Dal faction led by Baba Joginder Singh. In the mid 80′ Sant
Longowal, the Akali Dal president was assassinated by the Khalistanis for
collaborating on a settlement with the ruling Congress.

From the early 80’s to the early part of the 90’s the state of Punjab was
ravaged by Khalistani terrorism. Communal fascists were a great threat to
the people’s democratic movement. The Akali Dal represented the Sikh
communalists while the Congress represented the Hindu communalism. Both
parties used the communal terrorists against each other.

Indira Gandhi created and patronized Bhindranwale, a Sikh communal fanatic,
to electorally defeat the Akali Dal. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale belonged to
a Sikh fundamentalist sect which opposed the electoral Akali Dal politics.
In the earlier phases the Akali Dal patronized the Sikh fundamentalist
forces, harbouring several terrorists in religious temples. However when the
contradiction between the Khalistani liberation and Akali Dal ideology
became acute, the Congress won Bhindranwale to their side to de-stabilise
the Akali Dal, the ruling party.

The Khalistani movement was an agent of the Indian state. Heavy state
terrorism took place in Punjab against the common people in the name of
combating the communal terrorists. Often a truckload of weaponry sent for
arming the Khalistani terrorist forces was allowed by the Police. The
situation was reminiscent of the Vietnam war and in no post-partition period
was such communal terror experienced. The rays of darkness had extinguished
the light from the land of Punjab.

The Khalistanis were armed to the core. Innocent Hindus were shot in buses
by bullets from AK-47 machine guns. Women were raped who disobeyed the
Khalistani dictates, houses razed to the ground. Villagers were forced to
bow to Khalistani dictates at the butt of the gun. Jounnalist Lala Jagat
Narain, of the Hindu Samachar was assassinated when he condemned
Bhindranwale.

In 1984 in June the Indian Army carried out Operation Bluestar to suppress
the Forces of Khalistani terrorists that had taken refuge in the Golden
Temple (a Sikh religious temple). It was one of the most repressive
anti-democratic acts that took place in the history of post-Independence
India. 100 innocent Sikhs were shot with their hands tied down behind their
backs. Various religious shrines were destroyed. Bhindranwale was killed.
At that time in Jodhpur in anxiety Sikhs belonging to the Army in sheer
desperation left Jodhpur to ensure their families were safe in the chaos
that was created. They were frightened that their families could be
attacked. These soldiers were arrested in the name of treason! In
retaliation in October 1984, Indira Gandhi was assasinated by 2 Sikh
fanatics. One of the people charged, Kehar Singh who was awarded the death
sentence, was innocent.

After Indira Gandh’s assassination the worst massace ever in
post-independence India took place. 5000 Sikhs, were massacred by communal
forces led by Jagdish Tytler and L.K Bhagat. Innocent Sikhs were chopped or
burnt alive. Several Hindu families came to the rescue of Sikhs by
sheltering them and saving them from being trampled by the iron feet of
oppression. To this day the perpetrators of the massacre have not been
imprisoned.

In the later phase, through military combing operations in Operation
Woodrose, the police tortured several innocent families, under the pretext
that they had been harbouring terrorists. In villages in Punjab several
innocent Sikh people, mainly youth were killed in staged encounters. The
police falsely claimed that they were communal terrorists killed in
encounters.

Several Black laws were also proclaimed which were used as a tool to
suppress the secular democratic activity like workers strikes, etc. The
situation in Punjab was the equivalent of a ship trying to survive in a
storm. In 1985 an accord was made by Rajiv Gandhi representing the Centre
and Sant Longowal, the Sikh Akali leader, who wished for a non-violent
solution and a compromise with the Centre. (He represented Sikh communal
politics but through negotiation in contrast to the Khalistani militants.)
This was opposed by the United Akali Dal led by Baba Joginder Singh along
with the All India Sikh Students federation and the Damdami Taksal of
Bhindranwale. Shortly later Longowal was assassinated by Khalistani
rerrorists with the blessings of the organizations just mentioned.

In 1987 the ruling Rajiv Gandhi goverment brought in President’s Rule,
introducing the Terrorist and Disruptive Area Act to curb the Khalistani
terrorists. However, in contrast to what it meant to be doing, the same
government started dealing with Khalistani gangs. On February 20th 1987 a
head Sikh priest offered to act as a mediator between the Centre and the
Sikh militant organizations. Within minutes of this announcement, the
Khalistani liberation force accepted the Akal Takhts Directives and accepted
a ceasefire.

Soon after a hindu religious priest visited the Golden Temple on May 6-8 to
hold talks with the Sikh militant priest Darshan Singh Ragi. The State
police chief Ribiero visited Amritsar on May 6th, and the Ceentral Reserve
Police Force surrounding the Temple were withdrawn for 3 days. Well-known
underground communal terrorists, such as Avatar Singh Brahma visited the
temple for negotiations. The Hindu priest explained that he was acting for
the Central Government. The withdrawal of the Central Reserve Police Force
for the first time since 1984 lent credibility to this. The Priest even
claimed that he had documents showing that all 5 Jathedars and Khalistani
gangs including the All India Sikh Students Federation factions and the
Khalistani Commando force had given their approval for, and participated in
tape recorded negotiations. The priest stated that Darshan Singh Ragi was
equally anxious to create an atmosphere of peace and tranquility in Punjab.
On May 9th 1987 the priest flew back to Delhi to inform the Prime Minister
of his talks.

On May 21st the Punjab Government announced the release of 100 out of 800
militants arrested on the pretext of good behaviour. This amply proved the
point that the Centre was simply playing games. The Government had no
intention of combating communal terrorism; instead it was biding for the
appropriate time to strike a deal with one or the other terrorist faction.
Ultimately what was at stake was only the question of allocation and sharing
of power. [Last few paragraphs taken from the democratic rights journal, ‘In
Defence of Democratic Rights’.
.
.
The Front against Repression and Communalism was formed by
Some Revolutionary Groups namely the Unity Centre of Communist
Revolutionaries of India,(Nagi Reddy Group),the Central Team of he
C.P.I(M.L ) the O.C.C.P.I.(M.L) and few other groups.The purpose of he Front
was to organize mass revolutionary resistance against Khalistani and state
terrorism. It initiated a programme to combat the Khalistani terrorism in
building ‘cores’ of revolutionary resistance.’No political leader could use
the image of the front to project their political image. The Front would
also not play a role of mass sectional organizations nor be attached to any
group as ‘front’ organization. It would have it’s independent structure, in
order to pool all the possible resources against the twin enemies of
Khalistan and State terrorism.It was reviewed that mere propaganda was
insufficient and a separate organization had to be created as a mass
political platform to combat the enemy.A clear cut programme had to be
allotted to he organsiation depending on the comparative strength of the
enemy forces.F ront leaders refused to accept he armed license of he Indian
state and instead mobilised people into using traditional weapons.

First Resistance(From Frontier Artile by N.K Jeet and article
‘In Defence of Democratic Rights’0
On April 10 the the first sign sof resistance was demonstrated by he
Punjabi people led by Front leader Megh Raj BahtuanaIn March in 1987 the
ringleaders of the United Akali Dal and the A.I.S.S.F,in the course of a
conference at village Chaina,near Bhagtuana,threatened to assassinate front
leader Megh Raj Baghtuana,who was holding meetings against them.Despite
these threats Megh Raj,a front organiser,refuted the fascist ideology of the
communal terrorists programme.The masses in Bhagtuana responded
heroically,organising a demonstration armed with traditional
weapons,surrounding the supporters of the Khalistani ideology. material.
Those supporters had to beg mercy from the people Semi-secret mass meetings
were organised and a score of volunteers armed with conventional weapons and
under-cover illegal firearms toured the villages to raise funds and to
propogate anti-Khalistani material. 9units of the Front in
Goniana,Rampura,Malout, Lambi, Lehra, Kotkapura, Nihalsinghwala, Moga and
Jaitu organised a massive armed conference in Jaitu on April10th.Thousands
of people assembled in the conference shouting Slogans” a Hindu Raaj na
Khalistan,Raaj Kare Mazdoor,Kisan.(Neither Hindu Rule or Khalistani rule, we
want the rule of Workers and peasants)They were armed with traditional
weapons like Lathis,swords,and spears.The village of Jaitu seemed to be
staging a festival of the masses. From various towns and villages people
approached leaders of the front to hold such programmes at their places. In
Bishnandi and Bazakhana,terrorists destroying tombs of the dead were beaten
mercilessly by the masses.At Jaitu,an Amrithdari Sikh who tried to forcibly
close a cigarette shop was beaten up by the villagers.Similar incidents took
place in Kotli,Chaina,Matta,Sedh SinghWala Villages. with people armed with
traditional weapons showing mass defiance Such mass resistance reminded
people of the heroic resistance and courage of ranks formed from common
people during the Great Patriotic War against the Nazi Fascists On April
14th a truckload of terrorists armed with naked swords and firearms came to
attack the house of Front leader Megh Raj.They were met with a shower of
brickbats and stones from the housetops. T he Front workers armed with
traditional weapons,forced the terrorists to retreat.5Khalistanis were
literally beaten by the villagers.In the end the police raided the office of
the Front in Rampura Phul showing whose side they were on

July 10th Rally(From Bleeding Punjab report)

On July 10th the scene was reminiscent of he resistance the Vietnamese
masses staged combating the American oppressor enemy.. The people thronged
from all over Punjab. The rally was held when the Khalistani terrorists were
at the peak of the onslaught and t did not permit any democratic cultural
activities.Silmuntaneously the ruling Barnala govt.did not permit any
democratic assembling of people under the pretet of urbing terrorist
activities.In the same area where the rally was being held an activist of
the Front namely’Lal INderSingh Lalli was murdered by the terrorists. The
entire family of a C.P.I.worker was eliminated.The Front’s understanding and
perspective was projected and explained.Later a masive demonstario was held
in the city.The demonstration was a great succes in 3 ways:
I 1nrespect of projecting the basically correct revolutionary perspective of
the resistance against bot types
In respect of expressing the militant mood and valiant spirit of the Punjabi
people against both form sof terror.
3.In respect of demonstrating positive hopes to he masesin succesfuly
combating the enemy.

Other Front Struggles(From Bleeding Punjab report)

In July 1989, a state level demonstration was held at Moga,in memory of
local Front worker,Lal Inder Lali,Prithipal Singh Randhawa and Avtar Sinh
Dhudke.It had agraet impact on the peole of Moga.
In Lehra Gagga in Sangrur in Oct.1988,district the Khalistani terrorists
issued a threat to the life of Front leader Balbir Singh,as he staunchly
opposed the harassment of a wine shop worker.In the form of rallies the
Front stateda prolonged campaign. And the local Khalistani Sikh student
supporters had to plead for mercy.

Khalistanis attacked an R.S S Shaka at Moga on June 25th.1989,killing 27 and
injuring 30 people.The Front gave a bandh call in Moga ,the next day Some
Hindu Communal organizations tried to manipulate the situation for their
ends but the Front was alerted and they exposed this by issuing
pamphlets,pasting posters and holding public meetings.

In September 1989 a fortnight campaign was taken up in Khanna ,in
Ludhiana,educating people about Khalistan and state terrorism.It ended in a
public rally in Khanna.

In Aulakh,some Khalistani terrorists looted a peasant of 60 grams of
gold,8000 Rupees Etc.The Front mobilized people against this and mentally
prepared them to fight the enemy. The villagers then went to the house of
one marauder they identified and seized 60 Gms of gold and recovered other
looted property. The culprit was beaten severely by village people and then
handed over to the police.
In Saido village in Faridkot district the Khlaistani forces snatched
rifles(licensed) from innocent villagers and insulted several men and
women.The police took no action. The Front explained the political situation
to he villagers and the need for people to organize their own self-defence.
In Rampura Phul a gang of Khalistanis abducted an Industrialist.Nohar Chand.
And demanded 5 lakh ransom.The local Front people explained the victim’s
family not to pay the ransom,but the family refused and in turn were all
slain by the terrorists.Front activits now staged a protracted campaign
organizing rail and road blockades. as well as demonstrations and sit-ins I
front of police stations. The Front leaders detected the culprits, who
belonged to nearby villages and when they revealed the names to the
villagers ,they were so enraged that they wanted to murder the culprits. The
Front however explained that such an action would be counter-productive and
would lead to further communal tension..
..

In De 1989 in Saido in Faridkot, terrorists snatched guns from the people
and beat up and insulted several people. They even killed 2 men.Led by the
Front the people prepared themselves. The police paid no attention to
suspected men who wore covered faces .The Front explained the villagers the
need to organize self defence.

In Malout 35 people were killedinI the nearby own of Abohar..The Front
committee of the area organized a bandh in the city and organized rallies at
many places in the city.The Front leader had earlier carried out a
sustained campaign educating the masses in the need for self defence when a
gang of robbers raided the village.he Police hardly came to their help.A 250
strong committee was formed by he villages including 2 Front members.

In Bagli Kalan in Ludhiana, one teacher Kulwant Singh and Front activist was
attacked by he terrorists.Kulwant immediately grappled with them This act
was a boost to all he people in the area. Teachers of the area went on
strike just on hearing the news, and different teachers organizations formed
a action comitee. Later,on May 15th a militant demonstration was held ,A
miltant public rally was held by the Front,the Moulder and steel Workers
Union and other mass organizations.

And mass rallies

Resistance in Bhoenpur —Machiwara Vilage of Ludhiana district(From Bleeding
Punjab report by Surkh Rekha Group)

The people of Bhoenpur exhibited phenomenal revolutionary tenacity..In
Machiwara village they resisted any terrorist attack. Their Sarpanch,Jasbir
Singh had been assassinated by terrorists.The masses of Bhoenpur armed
themselves with rifles They armed themselves with rifles and other weapons
and guarded important points of defence for 24 hrs. Even when he Front
workers went to work on the fields, they were prepared to resist he
Khalistani Forces

In March 19991 a gang of Khalistani terrorists attacked he hose of Co Jasbir
but his sister resisted valiantly. She started showering brickbats from
top.Within minutes the entire village came o the scene with rifles ,swords
and spears and chased he terrorists for long.Now they dared to enter the
village.
I April 1992,a village volunteer force overpowered a terrorist who had been
spotted by an alert owner of a clothes shop. The terrorist confessed all his
crimes to the voluinteers after being intensely interrogated by the
volunteers. He confessed he was a member of te Khalistani Libraton Force
and having killed a girl in the neighbouring cotton factory and a temple
priest. He also confessed that his gang was responsible or bomb blasts in
Machiwala and SAmrala towns and that they wee planning amass killing of
factory workers.The following day the terrorist was producedin a Peoples
Court and they found hmi guilty of serious crimes. He was awarded a death
sentence and shot down by a bullet.
The people of Mamjh depended on their own self-defence to guard their
village.They prevented many Hindu families from fleeing by giving hem
protection.The villagers literally never bowed down to the terrorists
despite being attacked atleast on 10 different occasions.

Resistance of families(From Bleeding Punjab report)

Families were encouraged in offering mass rseistance.This was demonstrated
by many examples.8 Brick kiln workers of Ghanaur Kalan in Sangrur district
fought the ‘Azad Babbar Khalsa’ gang.Although 5 terrorists encircled their
houses,the kiln workers fought back like tigers with conventional
weapons.(terrorists were armed with Assault rifles)Women were armed with
uns.

An activist of a Dalit family ,Narang Singh in Sangrur district valiantly
thwarted terroristsThre times the terrorists attackerd his house but Narang
resisted with his rifle.His son grappled with a terrorist.Similarly Pritam
Singh’s family fought terrorists in Niammat Pura in Sangrur.While sleeping
they were attacked. However Protam Singh and his family fought like tigers.
His wife was martyred (Gurbachan Kaur.

Manjit Singh,a teacher in Village Kot in Amritsar ,combated 3 terrorists
demanding money.Her husband was attacked by a chopper but Manjit retaliated
and snatched the chopper hitting the assailant with full force.By now many
villagers assembled to support Manjit. The terrorists had to flee. They
returned some time later, but the people were prepared to face
them.Ultimately all 5 terrorists wee thrashed by the people.

Bhgawan Singh and his family wee attcked thrice.Bhagawn Singh retaliated by
firing his 12 bore gunUltimately he terrorists had to run away.In the 2nd
attck his family members participated in the resistance and he terrorists
had to flee.The family was effectively trained in handling weapons for
resistance.

Swaran Singh ,a Sarpanch in Ghora Nab of SAngrur district resisted the
Khalistani attacks,along with his 6 brothers.His family always assisted him
and his nephew was killed onMarch 12th 1992.

Lastly,Balwinder Singh from Biwind in Amritsar district,was attacked but
refused to surrender His family aided him as welL as friends and comrades.
Everyone in the family vows to fight till the last after having been
attacked 12 times.

Martrydom of Sewewala Martrys(From Frontier June 1991issue)

OnApril 9th 1991 Megh Raj Jagpal Singh, Karam Singh, Pappy, Gurjant Singh
and 9 other Front activists were massacred in Sewevala in Faridkot district.
To commemorate their death a statewide protest took place which culminated
in a 10,000 strong rally in Sewewala where people assembling from allover
the state, armed with traditional weapons as well as raising anti-Khalistan
and anti-State slogans were mobilised. A self-defence barricade was made
against the Khalistani terrorists and police protection was
opposed.Thousands of peole assembled at Bhagtuana,Dilwan Kalan,elbrah,
Rampura Etc.Mettings and processions were held throughout the state. Echoes
of the revolutionary spirit reverberated in the hearts of the people
assembled like a light radiating over them. It appeared like a huge red
flame had lit the Sewewala village. The martyrdom of the Sewewala Martyrs
wrote a new chapter in the history of the Indian Communist Movement. Months
after the martyrdom of front activists,a agng of terrorist attempted to
snaek in the village at night .However vigilant volunteers noticed hem and
pened fire on hem.The terrorists fled.A l;arger contingent of people came
out armed with whatever weapons available.

2 years later a commemoration programme.After a considerable study of the
political situation it was decided to launch a commemoration programme for
the Sewevala martyrs.The Harijan basti region was where the programme was
launched .The revolutionary forces made adequate security
arrangements,taking the necessary precautionary and retaliatory measures,to
thwart the terrorists suspected moves.The Harijan peasntry playe the biest
role I he conference while sections of the Jat peasntry wre
neutralisd.(Earlier some wee sympathetic to he Khalistani forces)
A day before the programme security was installed on the roofs of the
exterior of the basti .Trained volunteers manned them. Barricades were
installed in the lanes and by-lanes to prohibit the entry of suspicious
elements. The Barricades were provided cover by armed volunteers positioned
on rooftops. All security posts were covered with a special signal system A
network of couriers was organised which raced from one spot to the other
exchanging information. All posts had their own commanders and an
operational zone operating under a unifying a higher command.
On the day of the programme, entry was entitled only by identity passes. A
Harijan Dharamshala staged the programme.Slogans such as “Down with
Khalistani and State terrorism “and “Long Live the Sewewala Martyrs “were
painted on the boundary walls of the building.The ground was decorated with
red Flags and a bed of red sand. Amidst flower petals name plates of martyrs
were placed. A community kitchen served cooked and sweet packed rice to the
participants. From the home village of martyred comrade Megh Raj Baghtuana,
a contingent of 70 men, women and children carrying red flags and escorted
by girl volunteer reached Sewewala.The women participants numbered more than
150 in the conference. By 12 o’clock,3,000 people had arrived, more than2/3
from the agricultural labourers,industrial labourers,electricity workers and
other working sections. At 12.30 the Family members of the martyrs came on
stage. 2.05 was the exact time of the attack on the Sewewala Martyrs 2 years
previously.
The great achievement of the martyrs conference was that a most favourable
situation was turned into a favourable situation reminiscent of the Vietcong
who heroically defeated the American forces in the Vietnam war.The campaign
also effectively answered the question of the mass revolutionary line over
the line of squad actions.A n earlier supporter of Squad actions stated”What
we achieved here can not be achieved by a squad action.”Another Student
leader stated”Mass revolutionary line is invincible and armed squad action
cannot substitute it”.A volunteer Student Group stated”We have gained a
valuable experience in the mass revolutionary line.” The policy of learning
from the masses and then educating them and learning correct ideas from the
masses was meticulously applied.

Analysis of the work of the ‘Front’

The’ revolutionary mass line’ of the ‘Front against Repression and
Comunalism’ was an education to the Communist movement worldwide. These
were the salient features.
1. Irrespective of political Ideology people would be moblilised against the
twin onslaught of Khalistan and State terror.The Front never attached class
sectional mass organizations to the Front or used it to project party
politics.
2.Mantaining a clear-cut programme to resist the Khalistani fascist attacks
as well as state terror on the masses to enable the masses to form
self-defence combat forces.A programme was chalked out studying the strength
of the Khalistani fascists and the capability of the Front in resisting
them.Similarly programmes were taken against police terror.
3.Making the people involved and the center of all activity through
organizing self -defence and never substituting the role of the masses.Some
groups launched Armed Squad actions.The front answered this with democratic
mass revolutionary resistance.Mass preparation was made for all
programmes.Infact through their involvement the people learned a lesson in
fighting the enemy and their own capacity in self —defence against
reactionary forces.Planning and political preparation was emphasized.
4.No form of soft-pedalling with the Khalistani forces like some groups and
giving equal emphasis to opposing state terror.The Front leaders refused to
accept the armed licences of the Indian State.
5.The Front was a launching pad for other sections of people to struggle
against he enemy. Teachers, shopkeepers Etc could all pool into he
resistance.
Several other remarkable struggles took place led by the Front.Here are some
examples.
.

The struggles of the Front will be written I the annals of the revolutionary
Movement worldwide)The methods devised have a permanent place in the
revolutionary polemic s in combating he reactionary forces.(particularly
with regards to Communalism)Let us remember al those Front members who
dipped heir blood on the 20th anniversary day of the Moga raly.The study of
the ‘Front against Repression and Communalism’ demonstrates the results of
persisting educating the masses, which is so important or the launching of
[peoples revolutionary armed struggle.It was similar to the methods he
Chinese Communist party used in heir agrarian revolutionary movement to
combat he enemy.

Obituary
This year is the 20th death anniversary(assassinated in June 1987) year of
Comrade Lal Inder Singh Lalli, an activist of the Front. Although a
C.P.I.worker he playd amajor role I the work o he Front and valiantly fought
the reactionaries.

I have comiled the struggle reports from a booklet ‘The Bleeding Punjab’
written by 2 revolutionary journasl fro Punjab-’the Surkh Rekha’ and the
‘Inquilabi Jantakh Leh”.The author recommends readers to purchase the
report which is of historical relevance.

No More Street Food in Delhi!

July 9, 2007

Lalit Batra

Most cities and towns in the so called Global South are marked today by an overwhelming presence of the informal economy. Hawkers and street vendors are one of the most visible segments of the informal sector. When Keith Harth, an economic anthropologist, on a mission to study urban labour markets in Africa, coined the term ‘informal economy’ he was, to a large extent, referring to scores of hawkers and street vendors selling a bewildering array of goods on the streets in cities and towns of Africa. Till 1960s the dominant discourse viewed the presence of the informal sector of the economy, including hawkers and vendors, as a temporary phenomenon, a by-product of the transition from the ‘traditional’ to the ‘modern’ economy. It was assumed that as the process of modern capitalist development advances this sector would cease to exist soon enough with the extension of the legal, regulatory and administrative frameworks of the State to all aspects of economic activity.

However various studies subsequently conducted in many parts of the world proved beyond doubt that far from shrinking, the informal sector was in fact expanding. In almost all of Asia, Africa and Latin America, the majority of the workforce was found to be working in the informal or unorganised sector. Recent studies suggest that subsequent to the ascendance of neo-liberal economic policies in most parts of the world, its speed of expansion has increased substantially. In fact even in advanced industrialised countries of the West informalisation of the economy and the workforce is rising significantly.

Today about 93 per cent of India’s work force is in the unorganised sector, which accounts for 63 per cent of the country’s GDP. There is a dearth of reliable data on the prevalence of the informal sector in urban areas. There are studies which put these numbers at 65 percent in small towns to 46 percent in million plus cities. In any case, one can safely assume that over half the workforce in urban areas is earning its livelihood in informal sector. A large number of those within the urban informal sector- 15 percent according to one estimate- are street vendors.

Delhi has a workforce of roughly 40 lakhs, only about 22 per cent of which are employed in the organised sector. There is a paucity of official data on the number of hawkers and vendors operating in the city but reliable estimates put the figure between 3 to 4 lakhs making it one of the most important informal sector activities in Delhi. The problems faced by street vendors in the city are now too well known to need any elaboration. Studies conducted by several organisations recount the familiar tale of barely enough earnings to be able to survive, harassment and plundering by the police, municipal authorities and local musclemen, criminalisation by law, non recognition in official city plans, apathy or hostility of the middle and upper classes and so on.

Unlike many other major cities the Master Plans of Delhi have repeatedly made provisions for accommodating and regularising hawkers and vendors but there has been little effort on the part of authorities to effectively implement these provisions. Thus till date less than 20,000 tehbazari licenses have been issued by municipal authorities rendering the existence and livelihoods of over 90 per cent street vendors illegal and making them easy preys to all kinds of harassment and exploitation. A study conducted by Manushi, an NGO, in 2001 puts the payments made by hawkers and street vendors in Delhi by way of bribes and extortion to police, municipal officials and local musclemen at Rs. 600 crores annually!

In this context the recent Supreme Court order banning cooked street food in the capital is like punishing the victim instead of the perpetrator. The order put a seal of approval on the scheme proposed by the MCD and the NDMC to ban cooked street food in order to regulate hawking and vending in Delhi with a view to beautify the city for the Commonwealth Games 2010. Citing reasons of health and hygiene, the court ordered that, except tea and coffee sellers, all other hawkers selling cooked food on streets will have to go. The court also rejected the petition filed by hawkers’ associations and NGOs like NASVI, SEWA and Manushi for conducting a comprehensive survey to ascertain the number of hawkers in the city and identify suitable hawking sites.

At a time when the economy has stopped creating jobs despite all the hullabaloo about 8 percent growth rate, the court order is bound to add a few lakh more to the list of the unemployed. Not only that it will kill the 500 year old great culinary tradition of street food of Dilli beside making the city further unsafe. Significantly, the order comes at a time when the government is considering allowing 100 percent FDI in retail. Sealing of commercial units, removal of hawkers… has the highest court of land put its weight firmly behind the Reliances, Walmarts and McDonalds of the world?

Pratirodh

Speaking out against wrong actions is both a right and a duty

July 7, 2007

The recent arrests of Binayak Sen in Chhattisgarh and Arun Ferreira in Maharashtra are sending out a clear message that anyone who speaks out against the government and the status quo will be targeted. But surely challenging the conditions in which the vast majority of people live is a duty, not a crime, writes Sandhya Srinivasan

On May 9, 2007, Arun Ferreira, Ashok Satya Reddy, Naresh Bansod and Dhanendra Bhurle were arrested by the Nagpur police under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and the Indian Penal Code. On May 14, Binayak Sen was arrested under the Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act, 2005, and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 2004. Given the press coverage surrounding these two recent arrests, and the public response to them, some clarity on the issues at stake is required.

Civil liberties organisations and health activists across the country have launched a campaign condemning Binayak Sen’s arrest, calling for his release, and demanding a repeal of the law under which he was arrested. This overwhelming response is partly because of Sen’s reputation as an award-winning medical professional and a committed health activist in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh (see http://www.infochangeindia.org/analysis202.jsp and http://www.infochangeindia.org/HumanItop.jsp?recordno= 4852&section_idv=13).

His activism extended beyond advising community health programmes and helping set up the well-known Shaheed Hospital run by mine workers. It included agitating on the basic social and economic conditions of tribals that are responsible for widespread malnutrition, illness and premature death. As an activist in the tribal state of Chhattisgarh, Sen had been speaking out against the atrocities committed by the Salwa Judum, a government-sponsored anti-Maoist programme that involves forced displacement of tribals into camps. He is also secretary of the Chhattisgarh People’s Union for Civil Liberties, and vice-president of the national body.

A similar campaign, albeit at a smaller level, has been run in support of Arun Ferreira and those arrested with him. In addition to local democratic rights organisations, a group of Ferreira’s college friends has written to the press expressing fears that he would be tortured, perhaps even killed, by the police and asking that he be accorded the due process of law.

As far as one can see, the charges against those arrested are vague: association with banned organisations, and campaigning against the government. The specific charges, as stated in press reports, change every day. For example, the police first said that Ferreira was “planning an agitation” and the press reported this in a way that suggested that agitation is illegal in this country. A later report had the police speculating that Ferreira might have been “entrusted with carrying out any specific agenda like garnering intellectual support in Mumbai”.

Infiltration of the city’s famous dabbawalla service?

Recent press reports highlight the absurdity of the investigation. Two newspapers carried police statements that Arun Ferreira’s pen drive contained details of the dabbawalla service in Mumbai. The Nagpur commissioner of police described this as a “worrisome” development. One officer is quoted as saying: “Either they are eyeing infiltration into the dabbawallas’ ranks to reach out to people without getting noticed, or they have already infiltrated, or they are studying it with the motive of using it somewhere else.” The report progresses from absurdity to absurdity, with the police clarifying: “We have formed no particular opinion about whether the dabbawallas have any connection whatsoever with the Naxalites.”

There seems to be little concrete information about the specific actions for which Ferreira is being held. Instead, the police have stated that the arrested persons’ refusal to talk has necessitated the use of “advanced scientific interrogation techniques” to elicit information from them.

The press has published the police’s assertions without question, describing Ferreira as a “top Naxalite” and “feared leader”. It has also seen fit to pursue his family members and print personal photographs, as if they somehow gave some critical information. At least one newspaper agonised about why “good Bandra boys” felt the need to work in “extremist” organisations. Surely it is obvious that though better-off sections of Indian society are overwhelmingly concerned with financial success and a good life, many, many people choose to work for issues they believe have some social value.

The press reports also repeated police stories of highly incriminating documents being found with the accused, bolstering their case. However, there have been no specific details. A police officer has been quoted as saying: “Ferreira’s ideological proximity with a few banned underground pro-Naxalite groups has been proved. A few documents seized from him during his arrest are a testimony to this.” But we don’t know what those documents are. In a meeting with the home minister, Ferreira’s wife, a sociology professor, mentioned a list of her sociology books and asked for their return.

In the case of Binayak Sen, his colleagues insisted that his house be searched only in the presence of independent witnesses. The search revealed CDs that have been distributed by civil liberties organisations over the years, letters from people in jail (with the stamp of the jail officer indicating that they had been sent with official permission), newspaper clippings, booklets and documents of various political parties, articles that have been published in journals, and a book on the Salwa Judum (a government-sponsored anti-Maoist programme) published by a ‘Committee of Tribals Affected by the Salwa Judum’. If these are incriminating, thousands of people in Mumbai will have to empty out their libraries. Should students burn all their books for fear that one of them might be banned material? Should we refuse to accept a party publication? Should we go through our computer hard drives to see if there is something that might be seen as offensive to the government?

Threatening those who speak for people’s rights

At a meeting on May 31, organised by civil liberties and health organisations, speaker after speaker pointed out that the arrests of people like Binayak Sen and Arun Ferreira were sending a clear message targeting anyone who speaks out against the government and the status quo. It matters little if Binayak Sen has been awarded a citation (the Paul Harrison award) by the Christian Medical College, Vellore, for “a lifetime of work providing medical care in the service of humanity”.

It is disturbing that the police have threatened to take action against anyone issuing statements of support for Arun Ferreira and those arrested with him. The police commissioner of Nagpur, S P S Yadav, has stated that he would “deal sternly” with anyone who spoke out in support of the arrested men. The police have even said they will not hesitate to arrest supporters. One policeman is reported to have declared: “It is utter shamelessness to defend persons associated with a banned organisation like the CPI (Maoist).”

The investigations

In a letter to the home minister, people present at the first appearance of Arun Ferreira and those arrested with him pointed out to the magistrate “visible and lacerating wounds” on them. But the magistrate did not record these. At the second appearance, Arun Ferreira stated that he had been subjected to torture including ice being placed on his genitals. Ashok Satya Reddy said that the police had threatened to inject him with poison.

Torture is a routine weapon of police “investigation” in India. A poor person who enters a police station (whether accused or accuser) can expect to be beaten up savagely; the regularly reported deaths in custody are often accidents of excess rather than intentional murder. Today, however, undertrials are routinely subjected to various dubious and coercive procedures on the argument that they are “better than the third degree”.

Proponents of “scientific investigation” have indicated that they are forced to torture suspects to get information, and techniques such as narco analysis and brain mapping will “do away” with torture. Narco analysis is such a fad these days that apparently Bangalore’s Forensic Science Laboratory has a waiting list of 300. Presumably in order to give the public and their superiors the feeling that “something” is being done, Telgi, Rahul Mahajan and Abu Salem are among those subjected to narco analysis and brain mapping to find out exactly what they did. Narco analysis is essentially asking questions to people who have been injected with the drug sodium pentothal or one of its variants. The idea is that, in a drug-induced condition, their defences will break down and they will truthfully answer questions that are otherwise not available to the police. Brain mapping involves correlating brain activity as seen on a scan with the subject’s answers.

One problem is that these are scientifically dubious practices and there is no clear understanding of the quality of information thus gathered. Second, statements collected through their use have no standing in a court of law. Third, the drugs used in these procedures could cause harm, and the procedure also involves coercion that amounts to torture. Finally, both narco analysis and brain mapping require the participation of doctors, and the UN has stated clearly that it is unethical for medical professionals to be involved in a practice that has no medical value to the patient.

What does this have to do with you and me?

At one level, there’s nothing special about the arrests of Binayak Sen and Arun Ferreira, nothing that merits special concern. It is no secret that hundreds of people are arrested in this country every week; that thousands are beaten up in police stations; that people are shot dead in “encounters”. All this is known and even accepted. Over the years we have seen a public “consensus”-building exercise to justify, even approve, torture in custody (“How else will we extract important information from hardened criminals?”) and “encounter killings” (“If we don’t kill them they’ll just pay their way out and commit more crimes.”). “Encounter specialists” like Daya Nayak become media darlings. Middle class Indians feel no sympathy for people like Binayak Sen and Arun Ferreira.

But there is no hope for India unless people come out to challenge the conditions in which the vast majority of people live, and fight the special interests that maintain such conditions. There is no hope for India unless people question the unjust laws that clamp down on those who oppose the status quo.

The essential principle behind all this is that everyone has the right to speak out — to protest wrong actions, to question laws that they believe are unjust, to question the authorities when they demonstrate unjust behaviour.

The due process of law must be followed. This is surely the minimum right of every person. It’s this right that is in jeopardy today when people can be arrested for challenging what is happening around them.

It’s a sad day when threats are issued against those who ask for the due process of law. It is sadder still when people hesitate to speak out on an arrested person’s right to due process for fear that they will be arrested as sympathisers of banned organisations.

InfoChange News & Features, June 2007

Maoists: Creeping Malignancy

July 3, 2007

Maoists: Creeping Malignancy
Ajai Sahni
Editor, SAIR; Executive Director, Institute for Conflict Management

A historical strategic shift has been engineered by the Maoists and, despite their open declarations of intent and the visible translation of words into deeds, this remains largely unnoticed in the general discourse and, indeed, in large segments of the Indian intelligence and security community. There is a continuing proclivity to view Maoist incidents of violence and disruption as discrete events, demanding no more than specific and localised patterns of Police response.

The 9th Congress of the Maoists, held in the latter half of January and early February 2007, attracted some media comment, but has failed to provoke any sense of particular urgency in India’s establishment at the national or State levels, nor have events thereafter been coherently linked with what is known to have been decided at this convention. The discomforting reality, however, is that the Maoists are, as in the past, deadly serious, and their plans and projections have already been moved into the phase of active implementation. If there was any scope for doubt on this count, it should have been convincingly settled by the two-day Maoist blockade across six of the worst affected States along India’s eastern board on June 26 and 27, 2007. The blockade was organised in protest against the economic policies of the Government. Regrettably, far from being recognized as a small taste of catastrophes to come, the blockade evoked a sense of relief in the security leadership, with the top Police official in Jharkhand declaring, “We were expecting major attacks by Maoist rebels, but their reaction has been rather mild.”

It is useful to review the ‘rather mild’ actions of the Maoists during their blockade. The blockade affected wide areas in Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal. While urban concentrations remained relatively free of incident, transport links were disrupted virtually across the States, and one estimate puts the direct costs in damage to Railway properties at INR 400 million. The indirect costs of disruption of services will have been much larger, with the blockade dislocating supply lines from the country’s principal mining areas in Bihar, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh. The Central Coalfields Limited, for instance, dispatched just 17,500 tonnes of coal by rail on June 26, as against the daily average of 67,000 tonnes. Jharkhand alone is believed to have suffered an economic loss to the tune of INR 1.5 billion over the two-day blockade. Major acts of violence during the blockade included:

June 26:

Maoists blew up railway tracks and partially destroyed a goods train at Latehar in Jharkhand. Some 20 trains travelling through the State were cancelled.

Dozens of trains were held up after Maoists blew up a stretch of railway tracks in the Dantewada region of Chhattisgarh. Transporters were also forced off the roads in the five districts in the Bastar region.

Maoist cadres set fire to six vehicles in the Dumka area of Jharkhand.

June 28:

Maoists blew up the railway track between Gomia and Dania stations in the Bokaro District of Jharkhand. Trains did not operate on the Coal India Chord (CIC) section touching Dhanbad, affecting the transportation of coal.

Maoists called out the employees of the Coffee Board Research Centre near the port city of Vishakhapatnam, a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) location in Andhra Pradesh, and blew up the Centre. The Maoists also set fire to records of the forest development corporation in the same area.

Maoist cadres stormed a railway station and set fire to the station master’s office and rigged the tracks with explosives in a pre-dawn attack at Biramdih Station in Purulia in West Bengal. The explosive device was, however, subsequently recovered and defused by the Police.

Summarizing these developments, an assessment by the Union Home Ministry on June 28, stated that twenty incidents took place in States affected by Naxalite violence during the two-day economic blockade. Ten incidents pertained to damage to railway property, mainly in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and West Bengal. The other incidents related to obstruction of the movement of goods on highways passing through the States. Though the Railways were yet to make a detailed assessment of the losses incurred by it during the blockade, preliminary estimates suggested that this could be about INR One billion.

Given the scale and lethality of some recent Maoist attacks, the violence witnessed during the blockade would certainly seem ‘mild’. The core error of such an assessment, however, is that the Maoist protracted war is simply equated with Maoist violence, and the significance of the widespread disruption of activity across six States in a centrally coordinated programme is not recognized. As Muppala Laxmana Rao @ Ganapathi, the ‘general secretary’ of the Communist Party of India – Maoist (CPI-Maoist) declared recently, “we use both violent and non-violent forms of struggle.”

The Maoists recognize clearly that they have suffered ‘tactical reverses’ in some States, particularly in Andhra Pradesh, where the counter-insurgency effort spearheaded by the State Police and its elite Greyhounds Force, has squeezed the rebels out of their strongholds, and into neighbouring States. The Maoist leadership has made “an in-depth study of the enemy’s counter-revolutionary tactics, plans and methods” and drawn “lessons from these”. As a result, “the Party is now more equipped to defeat the enemy’s tactics.” Ganapathi explains the essence of this tactical readjustment: “A specialised study of the strength and weaknesses of the Indian state is taken up. As you might be aware, even the mightiest enemy will have the weakest points. We have to correctly identify these weak points and deal effective blows so as to achieve victories.”

Recent years have seen the evolution of two major tactical innovations by the Maoists. The first of these was the introduction of swarming attacks, the first of which occurred in Koraput in Orissa, where the District headquarters was overrun by up to a thousand People’s War Group (PWG) cadres on February 6, 2004. This was clearly a pattern borrowed from a model that had secured extraordinary successes in Nepal, and has since recurred with increasing frequency. Thus, while year 2004, the year of the introduction of this tactic in India, saw just one such attack, 2005 witnessed three, 2006, nine, and, by the end of June 2007, there had already been at least 12 such attacks. Indeed, in his interview released by the CPI-Maoist on April 24, 2007, Ganapathi boasted, “hundreds of people, and at times even more than a thousand, are involved in the attacks against the enemy as you can see from the recent counter-offensive operations, as in Rani Bodili, Riga, CISF camp in Khasmahal in Bokaro District, and so on in the past one month itself.” The most recent of such attacks occurred on June 30, 2007, with simultaneous attacks at the Rajpur Police Station and Baghaila Police Outpost in Bihar’s Rohtas District, in which thirteen persons, including six policemen, were killed.

The second tactical shift, once again inspired, at least in part by a successful Nepalese model, is the coordinated blockade. Strikes and blockades have long been part of the Maoist tactical handbook, but they have tended to be geographically localised and focused on narrow issues and grievances. The coordinated blockade across six ‘heartland’ States – those worst afflicted by Maoist activities – and on broad issues of economic policies, including the SEZs, the “unhindered ruthless exploitation and control by imperialists and the comprador big business houses” and the “loot by rapacious hawks like Tatas, Ruias, Essars, Mittals, Jindals and imperialist MNCs” represents a dramatic transformation.

What is intended here is a systematic widening of the areas of conflict and the Maoist recruitment base, but within a strictly calibrated framework – hence the limited violence during the blockade, and the restriction of the blockade to just six States. Significantly, official sources now confirm Maoist activity, at various levels and intensities, in 182 Districts across 16 States (and this is an underestimate; official sources in several States beyond these 16 have already confirmed at least some Maoist activity within their territories). Responding to earlier estimates of 165 Districts affected by Maoist activity, Ganapathi had declared, “as far as our influence goes, I should say it is even more than that.”

The reason for the self-imposed limits on both violence and geographical spread of the blockade are strategic and are based on a recognition of the unique infirmities of the Indian state and its capacities for response. The numbers of swarming attacks are also deliberated limited as a matter of choice, and do not reflect actual Maoist capacities, which would be significantly greater. The objective of these various operations is to widen the mass base, to ‘blood’ cadres, and to augmented morale, without carrying the violence and disruption beyond the threshold that would provoke massive and coordinated state response. It is assumed – correctly – that as long as these incidents and episodes remain sporadic and apparently unconnected, the state and its agencies will be tempted to lapse into habitual somnolence soon after each provocation, leaving progressively augmented operational spaces open for the Maoists. There is an underlying recognition, here, that violence beyond a certain level could provoke powerful and coordinated responses which the current Maoist capacities may be insufficient to resist. Recognizing the “tough situation” faced by the Party and its cadres in Andhra Pradesh, for instance, Ganapathi notes, “There is an immediate need to transform a vast area into the war zone so that there is enough room for manoeuvrability for our guerrilla forces.” This transformation is the objective of coordinated blockades and the increasing frequency of swarming attacks.

The Maoists are now also increasingly cognizant of the potential for urban mobilisation well beyond their traditional target demographic. Ganapathi notes, “Middle class is terribly affected by such issues as price-rise, insecurity, corruption, unemployment for their children, high cost of education and health-care, threats from real estate mafia, etc. Keeping these in mind, our Party has drawn up plans to mobilise the middle class into struggles on such issues.” This third strand will soon be drawn into the web of Maoist activities and strategies, and there is increasing evidence of exponentially rising front organisation activity in a number of urban concentrations.

As in the past, the Maoist perspective is rooted in the context and philosophy of the protracted war. Thus, Ganapathi imposes a timeframe of decades on his war plans:

The next ten to twenty years will witness massive political and social upheavals… in several States against the onslaught of imperialism, anti-people policies of the Indian ruling classes such as carving out neo-colonial enclaves called SEZs, massive displacement of the poor in both urban and rural areas, against draconian laws, state repression, unemployment, corruption, inflation, neglect of social welfare and so on. Militant confrontation between the people and the state will become a general feature throughout the country…

The Maoist consolidation has already secured unprecedented sway and, “After a long time in the history of the revolutionary communist movement in India since the 1970s, a single directing centre has come into existence… today the revolutionary movement has become further strengthened, has spread to large tracts of the backward countryside, has well-knit Party structures, Army and vast mass base.”

The Indian state is yet to recognize the coherence of specific initiatives and actions within the broad framework of the Maoist campaigns and strategy across the country, and unless the unity of purpose and of the underlying rationale is recognized and confronted with an equal, indeed, greater, coherence and lucidity, the creeping malignancy of Maoist subversion will continue to extend itself.

Source:SAIR

Sleeping on the job? Blame militants

July 3, 2007

Like finicky goldsmiths, six workers use their hammers gently, perched on top of the iron skeleton of a bridge they are building just outside Kashmir’s capital. It has been 18 years in the making.

Insurgencies have become an excuse for misgovernance in India. Across the country’s militancy-wracked regions, functional schools, medical facilities, even police stations, just do not exist in vast, trouble-torn regions. In many areas, the state and its symbols have long become invisible. When rapes and murders take place, people go to militants for justice, not courts.

In Budgam in Kashmir, citizens got tired of waiting for the bridge and pooled money to build a foot bridge for themselves. Still, life is difficult. “In the rain, this whole area is flooded with Jhelum water. We have to wade through it. When it is not raining, there is so much dust on this mud road that our children fall sick,” said shopkeeper Ghulam Nabi.

In Manipur, residents of the state capital Imphal have not had piped municipality water in their taps for decades – they buy it from tankers. Unemployment runs so deep that graduates and postgraduates run cycle rickshaws, and cover their faces with masks out of shame. Many of them turn to the underground because of its macho image – and because it has become, simply, a crucial job opportunity.

“Insurgency creates problems for governance, but that does not mean it becomes an alibi for misgovernance,” said Yumnam Joykumar, the Manipur director-general of police.

But that is exactly what has happened, as Hindustan Times found out in travels across the states of Jammu and Kashmir, Manipur, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Nagaland, Andhra Pradesh and Orissa. “Apart from the police, people in most villages here have never seen a government official in their lives,” said Jeevan Masih Topno, munda or headman of Digha village in Jharkhand’s Saranda forest, the nerve centre of Naxalite activities.

Across the areas of Naxal influence in Andhra Pradesh along the Nallamala forests in the Telangana belt, deep into the border areas touching Chhattisgarh and Orissa, the squalor is spilling on to the highways. Broken roads, blown up buildings, poor people squatting on roadsides and Koya Adivasi tribe women raising blockades on the roads demanding Rs 5 from each passing vehicle is a common sight in the Khamam, Dantewada and Bargarh areas.

“Nearly 80 per cent of rural households in Bastar are without electricity, toilets and clean drinking water. In the name of fighting Naxalites, the state government is cleverly able to divert attention from its failures,” said social activist Pradeep Kumar.

Governments deny the allegations. “NGOs and other activists enjoy the liberty of irresponsible statements. The fact is that the Chhattisgarh government has managed to win back Bastar from the Naxalites,” said state Home Minister Ram Vichar Netam. The situation is so dismal that out of 31,900 posts of Chhattisgarh teachers sanctioned by New Delhi from 2001 to 2005, some 22,200 posts were not filled. Local officials have not been able to complete the computerisation of land records even in 17 years.

In Jharkhand, up to 76 per cent of patients left many hospitals against medical advice between 2001 and 2006, fed up of sub-standard medicines, and poor equipment and services. In many state hospitals, major surgeries like Caesarean operations and appendicitis were performed without anaesthetists, the Comptroller and Auditor-General said.

More than 1,020 schools in Jharkhand have no buildings, 3,562 schools have no drinking water facilities, 17,523 schools have no toilets, and 2,965 schools have no electricity.

Staff shortages run deep. “We are working on 50 per cent of strength at all levels,” said Jharkhand Chief Secretary AK Chugh.

In several states, top officials privately admit there is a nexus between militants and government officials. Now some citizens are gathering courage to speak out as well.

“Recently we closed down the non-functioning PWD office in protest, but the underground forcibly reopened it. There must be some collaboration,” said Tuithing Zingkhai, 27, president of the Young Raphei Conference in the Ukhrul district, a Naga rebel hub bordering Myanmar.

“If the officials related with development were doing their jobs, our jobs would be easier,” said Jharkhand police officer Shailendra Prasad Burnwal.

Hindustan Times

Naxalite Movement in central Bihar

June 16, 2007

We post here an old study on Naxalite movement in central Bihar.

Download

The Naxalite Movement in Central Bihar
- By Bela Bhatia

The main achievement of the Naxalite movement in central Bihar is that it has empowered the labouring and oppressed classes. The equations of power have changed drastically.

Yet, the quality of material life in the villages has not improved because the Naxalite leaders are not interested in ‘development’. There is now a tiredness among the people, which has resulted in a stalemate. The Naxalite movement will thrive only if it lets people’s concerns guide the vision of the parties. Another problem is factionalism; if the movement unites and focuses on people’s concerns it could make a real difference in Bihar.

Please note this article was published in April 2005 and
since then there have been many changes and the movement itself has
evolved and consolidated itself.
Download the full Article – 14 pages – PDF format Download

SEZs For The Rich, Poor To Bear The Brunt

June 13, 2007

By Arun Kumar
Combat Law

Special Economic Zone (SEZ) policy has taken one more turn with the announcement from the Empowered Group of Ministers (eGOM). The freeze on them is being lifted but several parameters will be changed to accommodate the farmers, tribals and the civil society groups who have been agitating against the SEZs.

From the earlier no limit on the maximum size of the multi-product SEZs now the limit has been set at 5,000 hectares. The state governments are prohibited from acquiring land for the private players and they cannot form a joint venture with a private player unless the latter has the land to offer the project. States can acquire land for their own SEZ provided they take care of the relief and rehabilitation as per the new policy to be announced soon.

Now the SEZs will be required to at least use 50 percent of the land for processing unit as compared to the earlier 35 percent so that the real estate component would be lower. Finally, the export requirement has been made more stringent compared to earlier.

Clearly, the eGOM has steered a middle path between the proponents of the SEZs, the corporate sector and their political supporters and the opponents who wanted SEZs to be scrapped because of their adverse impact on the poor people in the rural areas. This was on the cards since the prime minister had stated that SEZs are an accomplished fact. He implied that there is no going back on the policy and the government would only do some tinkering to accommodate the opponents. Where does this leave the policy and the poor?

Political aspects

SEZs have occupied centrestage in the national consciousness for the last eight months due to the events unfolding in Singur (akin to an SEZ though not one) and subsequently due to the occurrences in Nandigram (a proposed SEZ).

News of dissent in the ruling party over the proposed SEZs in Haryana and Punjab has been making the rounds. In West Bengal, the government is determined to continue with its policy of setting up SEZs and continuing with Singur on the grounds of industrialisation of the state. At the centre also it is seen as a strategy for ensuring the continuation of a nine percent growth rate of the economy. If China can succeed through such a policy, it is argued, why not India?


SEZs are threatening to sprout all over the country from the most backward states like, Orissa and Chhattisgarh to the most advanced ones like, Maharashtra and Gujarat. They would number not in tens but in hundreds and would cover huge tracts of land across the country. Some of them would be so large as to create entirely new townships and since they promise world class infrastructure, they would be unlike the existing cities.

They promise to create islands of affluence where foreigners and NRIs can come and live in comfort segregated from the poverty and squalor ridden cities. According to an earlier draft of the SEZ Act, they would have been `deemed to be foreign territory for the purposes of trade operations, duties and tariffs’. Even though this phrase is no more used in the Act of 2005, it is feared that they would be functioning as such, given their enclave character.

Currently, seven previously created Export Promotion Zones (EPZs) stand converted to SEZs, 63 SEZs are approved and notified, 171 are approved but not notified, 162 are approved in principle only and 322 applications are pending. Most of them are by Indian businessmen.

Resistance to these zones has built up rapidly in the country even though most political parties seem to be supporting their creation since they are ruling in some state where they would like them to come up. In different parts of the country, farmers and tribals who are sought to be displaced by the creation of these zones are opposing them.

In Singur (not an SEZ), Nandigram and earlier in Kalinganagar in Orissa there has been fierce resistance. The opposition parties in the different states have taken advantage of these movements to put the ruling governments in the dock. However, only some parties like the Trinamool Congress are going the whole way while others are ambiguous at best.

Displacement is a larger issue. Movements around displacement caused by earlier large projects (Narmada Bachao Andolan is an example of that) already existed and the civil society leaders (like Medha Patkar) of these movements are providing leadership to the anti-SEZ upsurge.


New large-scale displacement is being created by the mega projects coming up all over the country. This includes the setting up of steel mills, power plants, airports or the expansion of existing airports, the expansion of the highway network, etc. Millions of families are likely to be displaced in a short period of time.

Why is the rapid creation of these enclaves so important for the government, in spite of the build up of the movements? Politically, perhaps the government believes that the movements will die down since different political parties are in power in different states and they will prevent the opposition to the idea of SEZs from building up. The CPI (M) is a case in point. It is encouraging Singur and SEZs in West Bengal so its opposition elsewhere would be held in check and be tokenistic. Further, it is expected to hold other Left parties in check.

Economic aspects

Finally, the Central government perhaps believes that the economic gains will dilute the opposition over time. It expects these SEZs to be the nucleus of new investment, jobs and greater exports. Thus, it is propagating the SEZs as the solution to the country’s problems. The critics worry about food security being jeopardised and in response, it is argued that less than 0.1 per cent of the arable land will be involved in the proposed SEZs so this will hardly effect total food production. Another argument is that SEZs will accelerate development and create a large number of jobs. The critics argue that it will also destroy lots of low skill jobs in agriculture and forestry. Further, the adverse impact on small scales sector will reduce jobs. So in the net it is not clear that it will lead to more employment.

It is suggested that there are backward and forward linkages of industry so it will promote development. But does agriculture not have such linkages? There is a fear that the large number of tax concessions being granted will lead to loss of revenue. However, the proponents suggest that increased production will result in enhanced tax collections. Will SEZs spur smuggling and tax evasion that will cause the tax loss to be larger than what is being anticipated? The number of questions that are being raised is quite large so that it is critical to understand where the truth lies? Some of these issues are dealt with in this paper.

Who gains, who loses?

Clearly, those who will benefit or lose from the SEZs will be different sets of people. Those who will be displaced by the SEZs will be the rural people and those who will come in their place will be the skilled urban people. It is true that those who lose land will get “market prices” (according to the government) for their land and theoretically will be able to invest their money in other businesses. Thus, theoretically, not only in the SEZs but the new investments by the former agriculturists would create new non-agricultural jobs and all this maybe expected to lead to a reduction in the rate of increase of unemployment which has accelerated in the last 6 years. It is said that agriculture cannot create jobs anymore and these jobs have to be created in non-agricultural sectors.

The SEZs are likely to curtail the rights of labour given that there will be no labour commissioner and the developer of the SEZ will govern the place along with a development commissioner. There will be no democratically elected body. Under Section 49 of the Act, there will be substantial powers to formulate new laws:

“49. (1) The Central Government may, by notification, direct that any of the provisions of this Act (other than sections 54 and 56) or any other Central Act or any rules or regulations made thereunder or any notification or order issued or direction given thereunder (other than the provisions relating to making of the rules or regulations) specified in the notification—

- Shall not apply to a Special Economic Zone or a class of Special Economic Zones or all Special Economic Zones; or

- Shall apply to a Special Economic Zone or a class of Special Economic Zones or all Special Economic Zones only with such exceptions, modifications and adaptation, as may be specified in the notification.

Provided that nothing contained in this section shall apply to any modifications of any Central Act or any rules or regulations made thereunder or any notification or order issued or direction given or scheme made thereunder so far as such modification, rule, regulation, notification, order or direction or scheme relates to the matters relating to trade unions, industrial and labour disputes, welfare of labour including conditions of work, provident funds, employers’ liability, workmen’s compensation, invalidity and old age pensions and maternity benefits applicable in any Special Economic Zones.”

The jobs the SEZs are likely to create will be of the high skill variety that the displaced farmers (with different skills or with low skills) would not be able to perform… they would not encourage the entry of low-skilled displaced workers


It is likely that environmental considerations will be diluted. Many tax concessions have been announced. Given these considerations, profitability is being ensured so investment will flow into the SEZs to take advantage of these features. It is also possible that there maybe relocation of units from their present locations to the SEZs so that the net investment would be lower.

It is true that new industry and businesses set up in the SEZs will generate new jobs. However, at first people would be displaced, work on the creation of the new infrastructure would then begin and new industry would take even longer time to come up so new jobs will not immediately come. Further, the new infrastructure and industry is much more capital intensive than agriculture or non-farm rural activities it would displace so that fewer jobs would be created.


Further, the farmers receiving compensation for land would not really know of any activity other than agriculture so they are unlikely to be able to invest in new businesses and may simply waste most of the capital they get. Even the most sophisticated businessmen, especially in the new environment, usually specialise in a few businesses and do not venture into businesses they do not know about.

In this age of specialisation many businesses talk of core competencies and shed their other businesses or outsource them. How do we expect the ill-trained farmers to seamlessly transit to other businesses? This is unlikely. Further, every business requires some minimum capital to start but a large number of Indian farmers are small or middle farmers who would get marginal amounts of compensation that would be totally inadequate to start any kind of business even if they were competent to do so.

Finally, consider the impact on small businesses which are failing in large numbers due to the new economic policies. The SEZs will accelerate this process since reservations will get further diluted. This will result in loss of a large number of jobs.

Many of the displaced are not likely to receive much compensation. This would include the landless who will not receive any compensation and those performing non-farm activities like the potters, herdsmen, carpenters, etc. These people, traditionally integrated into the farm economy, would be completely at sea without much of capital. Such people would constitute about half the population of the villages and can only add to the ranks of the unemployed.

The jobs the SEZs are likely to create will be of the high skill variety that the displaced farmers (with different skills or with low skills) would not be able to perform. Further, given their enclave-like character they would not encourage the entry of low-skilled workers displaced from the rural economy flooding their territory. Such people would of necessity become encroachers and slum dwellers in some urban areas. Thus the existing urban areas would face problems while the new enclaves would flourish creating differential urbanisation and more problems.

The displaced would require training to get even the low skilled jobs in the SEZs. The poor who have not even attended schools or drop out by the fifth grade are unlikely to be able to afford the training required and would be ruled out of working in these enclaves. Even if the training is sought to be given, it will be for low skills (like guards) or will take considerable time by which time others would get the jobs and the displaced people would languish.

In brief, the rising unemployment and underemployment (doubled in the last 6 years according to the Economic Survey 2006) can only go up. Instead of farmers committing suicide, it will be the former farmers (and the landless) who would commit suicide.

Are farmers’ suicides important? According to a secretary in the Government of India too much is being made of this phenomenon. According to the crime statistics of India, quoted by her, only 16 percent of the suicides are committed by farmers. There are several lacunae in this argument. One is not talking of the absolute numbers but of the increase in the suicides. Farmers are supposed to be hardy people and do not easily commit suicides.

According to available information, the number of suicides is increasing and specially in some of the better-off states and amongst the better-off farmers. It is not the landless who are the poorest in the rural areas who are committing suicides.

The rising unemployment and underemployment can only go up. Instead of farmers committing suicide, it will be the former farmers who would commit suicide

What one is talking of is the growing distress amongst farmers who are unable to face the emerging challenge of globalisation – an uncertain and unknown entity to them. Further, do we know how many suicides are being committed? Are our crime statistics complete? According to the Crime Statistics, Bihar has the least amount of crime and Kerala the highest (A Kumar, 2002: The Black Economy in India. Penguin (India)).

Clearly, in India, a lot of crime goes unreported and unrecorded and that is also the story of suicides, in spite of all the publicity that this phenomenon is now receiving. If we go by the amount of narcotics drugs confiscated each year, then little of it is used in India. What is caught cannot be used and what is not caught does not exist as far as statistics are concerned so very little would be consumed in the country which is patently false. Clearly we cannot go by this argument since what is caught is only a small amount of the total drugs in use in the country.

According to estimates of gold brought into India and what was caught as smuggling, the ratio was 33:1. Thus official data on crime is not reliable and suicides, etc., maybe more in number than what is officially reported.


Displacement in the past

Displacement in India is not new. Since Independence, the nation has pursued the policy of development from above and set up large industries or industrial estates and projects like, mines, dams, ports, expansion of road and rail network. Each one of them has displaced people in large numbers. We have also had the experience of setting up export zones and electronic zones. In most of these cases, the displaced people have hardly found new employment in these projects while the educated elite (the five percent of the work force in the organised sectors) has benefited substantially.

The experience of HEC, Ranchi or BHEL, Haridwar or the steel plants like, Bokaro and Bhilai has been that the neighbouring areas have remained largely backward. These industries were set up in backward areas and they remain some of the most backward. These have turned out to be mere implants in backward areas with little impact on the surrounding areas. While the country may have had a strategic interest in setting up these industries to achieve relative autonomy, in the absence of basic education for the children of the poor, the jobs went elsewhere. Mostly the local people did not get jobs except menial ones in the townships.

The people of these areas specifically, and the non-elite in general, trusted the post-Independence leadership that there would be trickle down and they would soon benefit. So, either they willingly sacrificed for what they were told was the larger national interest or in the absence of organisation had no choice but to comply with what those in authority wanted. Now they know better that trickle down does not work and do not believe the elite ruling class. A white paper is needed on the impact of the earlier large projects on the people displaced from where these projects came up.

In brief, those likely to be displaced by SEZs are unlikely to find jobs in the SEZs and since they do not have the skills, they would not be able to shift to non-agricultural jobs.

Market price, justice

It is not that those displaced did not receive any compensation. However, since most of them did not know the modern institutions and practices, they did not know what to do with the compensation received. Often money was blown up in drinks and conspicuous consumption. This jeopardised the future of the family. The Government should issue a white paper on what happened to development in these cases in the areas where some of the large projects came up. In some sense, the compensation received by the displaced people was not just.
This raises the larger question of whether there is justice to the displaced? In the market, if one receives a payment voluntarily for what one offers, it is a just trade. However, if one is coerced into accepting a price then this is unjust. However, this applies only to a situation where both parties understand markets. If one party does not understand the institution of market and a capitalist economy, then even payment of a market price taken voluntarily by the seller may not be just.

In a capitalist economy, the agents understand the idea that if they liquidate their primary asset, they need to invest the proceeds so as to continue to derive an income for the rest of their lifetime. Most of the poor people have little idea of what it means to invest and what is the risk of investment or how to regulate their investment so as to get a secure future return. Thus, their ownership of an asset is far more important than the financial market compensation they may get for it.

Further capitalism assumes the existence of homogeneous labour which can migrate anywhere to get work. Family ties are not that critical. That is not true for the agriculturists. For them, it is an inter-dependent life and kinship is crucial. Thus, displacement is very painful since it breaks the family and neighbourhood bonds that are not easy to re-establish in a new setting.
The bonds may be between the labourer and the farmer or the farmer and the carpenter or the ironsmith, etc. Especially, if the displaced migrate to an urban or semi urban setting, life is very alienating for them. These relationships cannot be valued in the market. Thus, paying market price cannot be just compensation for the displaced because they lose much more than the land.
Finally, when the land passes on to the businessman and they establish a market in land then a piece of land bought cheaply form the agriculturist shoots up in price. Thus, typically, the agriculturist receives a fraction of the price that the businessman will finally receive. One may ask where is the justice in all this.

Further, often there is a land mafia that operates in most areas where land is likely to be acquired. This mafia often gets to know where land is likely to be acquired and buys up land at prices higher than the current price knowing that the price would soon jump to much higher levels. The mafia also coerces sales by various devices. This is how the real estate developers have become billionaires. The loser in this process of capitalist development is the illiterate and poor rural population.

Location close to metros

Among the many concessions being offered to the developers of the SEZs, one is cheap land close to cities and new highways. Land is being allotted much in excess of the requirement of industries. The implication is clear that land is being seen as urban real estate where huge profits can be made. While Singur is not an SEZ, the Tata group is being given about a 1,000 acre of land when they only need perhaps 70 acre for the car factory. Since the land in Singur is at the intersection of two important highways, it is prime land. This kind of consideration is clearly important for many of the planned SEZs.

While the developers of many of the SEZs and the proponents of these schemes suggest that real estate is not the real consideration and development is the real concern, can these claims be relied on? One line of argument is that since agricultural development has already taken place now it is time to go in for industrialisation since agriculture cannot accommodate more people.

What is the guarantee that land acquired by industries for the SEZs would only be used for specified purposes and not for speculative purposes as real estate. The example of DLF and others in Gurgaon come to mind

There is another reason for the rush to set up these huge estates. In the last three years, the corporate sector profits have been growing at an average of 30% so that they have a lot of cash to invest. Real estate is a good proposition to park their funds in. Thus, we are witnessing the creation of a large number of new landlords.

Finally, developers hope that there will be a shift of industries to these new sites. There is a precedence to this in the fifties and sixties when industry shifted from East India to West because of rising labour militancy. Many industries shifted from West Bengal to Maharashtra. Very quickly, the number one industrialised state West Bengal became a relatively backward one and Maharashtra became the most industrialised state.

The government and industry are making a large number of promises regarding the SEZs. They are promising more investments in industry and massive creation of jobs. However, as has often happened in the past, industry and businesses have not kept their promises. For instance, Pepsi Cola was allowed to come into the country in the `bad old days’, prior to 1991, on the condition that it would export, it would develop Indian agriculture and create large numbers of jobs. None of these things materialised and most of the conditions were later dropped in the nineties since by then Coca Cola was allowed in without any of these conditions.

In Delhi, hospitals were allotted cheap land (almost free) on the condition that they would cater to the needs of the poor by providing a certain number of free beds, etc. However, not only have they not fulfilled that promise but they have been doing everything in their power (using political influence, etc.) to have the rules changed. Many industries have been set up in the backward areas and as argued earlier, in most cases, these industries generated few jobs and of these even fewer went to the local people while most of these jobs were cornered by the educated middle class people.

Given this past experience, what is the guarantee that land acquired by industries for the SEZs would only be used for specified purposes and not for speculative purposes as real estate. The example of DLF and others in Gurgaon and other places comes to mind. They acquired advance information as to which areas are likely to be urbanised around the new NH8 and acquired that land from farmers at literally throwaway prices (market prices for that time). They have then released the land slowly over the last 20 years keeping prices artificially high all along and benefiting enormously. Land prices in this period have risen almost 500 times. Far higher than any other index of prices.

When industry goes back on its promises as it inevitably does, would the land revert back to the farmers and what would be the mechanism for this (to whom and at what price?). In a recent judgment the SC has said that the land need not be returned to those from whom the government acquires it. Thus, it is a one-way street and a mistake is costly to the displaced. Many farmers would be displaced and as mentioned above, their social linkages would have been broken. One cannot reestablish the village again after breaking it up. This is not a reversible process. Further, who is going to pay the cost of the transition in which a community is broken up and which involves the suffering of the women and the children displaced from hearth, schools, etc.

Mockery of democracy

In setting up SEZs an essentially undemocratic process is being followed. While industry and commerce have been consulted regarding what they need, the farmers and civil society groups have been left out of any consultation process. It is assumed that they will accept meekly the decision to take away land from agriculture for the setting up of commerce and industry. It is assumed that their notion of their own welfare is not important.
It is not that the entire country is being turned into SEZs. Certain areas are being selected so that the burden of this kind of industrialisation is going to fall on some people and not all. The question naturally arises whether in a democracy those to be adversely affected need to be consulted or not?


The government has adopted the policy of `growth at any cost’ with the cost falling on the deprived and marginalised sections of the population. The benefits are being taken by the big businessmen

Should it not be the case that if the collective decides against such a project then the government should look for alternative sites where the people agree to the project? If no such site is found, then it means that the majority do not want that kind of development and then in a democracy that decision should be implemented and such a project not be allowed to be set up. If people do not want a certain kind of development, then that decision should be respected. The government should not assume that it knows best and it can force its will.

Finally, for the sake of accountability, land if needed, should be acquired in phases as the project is set up. Thus, it is necessary that the party interested in setting up a SEZ should give a time bound plan and if that is not adhered to then not only should more land not be acquired but what was acquired should be returned. A fine should be imposed on the party involved and distributed to those whose land had been acquired. This would make the system more accountable which today it is not.

For example, if in Singur, the Tatas are now planning to set up a plant to produce one lakh cars then it may be allotted say 50 acres of land with the promise that more would come later as the project progresses to the next phase. After all, if Maruti producing many times more car can function in a plot of similar size then why cannot the Tatas? It is also possible that land to the Tatas be given from out of the closed industries that abound in West Bengal. This would not add to the displacement. It would be a much better solution than giving fresh land and causing displacement and hardship to a large number of people.

Macro aspects

Today, the government has adopted the policy of `growth at any cost’ with the cost falling on the deprived and marginalised sections of the population. The benefits are being taken by the better-off sections of the society and the big businessmen. It is argued that the SEZ policy would lead to a rise in the investment rate in the economy to achieve a 10 percent rate of growth. It is suggested that there would be trickle down and that would lead to the poor also benefiting.

The question is, is this the only way to increase investments and the rate of growth in the economy? One could also ask whether, growth cannot take place through a pro-poor policy? Finally, one needs to be sure whether there will be trickle down to the poor or would there be two separate circles of development a high growth one with the elite benefiting and a low growth path in which the bulk of the population would be trapped. How often it has been found in the Indian context that trickle down has not really worked or has been far too slow and yet the people are expected to put their faith in these policies once again.

In the last five years, the investment rate has jumped from around 25 percent to around 32 percent without the concessions being announced under the SEZ scheme. Then what is the need for further incentives at the expense of the marginalised sections of the population? The issue is what are the prerequisites to investment increase? And, what is the role of concessions in the investment process?

The concessions in taxes and relaxation in environmental regulation and labour laws are expected to make operations in the SEZ highly profitable. All this is being done in the name of exports, to make these zones export competitive by helping industry in these zones to have lower costs of production and higher profits. There is no doubt that with the concessions announced and the privileged position that is being granted to the SEZs, they will get investment so that they will generate employment and output. However, it is equally true that they will also displace production that was already ongoing in the area where SEZs will come up. The past investments in agriculture, non-agricultural activities and in the creation of habitation in that area will be destroyed. Thus, the issue is what would be the net increase in investment, employment and output.

Further, given the concessions, much of the investment in SEZs is likely to be at the expense of the investment in the rest of the economy. Finally, some may even close their units in the rest of the economy to shift to the SEZs. Due to these three factors, the net investment will turn out to be much less than what would be the gross flow of investment to the SEZs. In fact, because the price of output from SEZ is likely to be lower than that in the rest of the country, a lot of smuggling will take place and the output in the rest of the economy will be adversely affected. This will further affect employment.

Since industry set up in SEZs is likely to be of the modern variety, it will use much more capital per worker and generate much higher output per worker. Thus, the SEZs are likely to generate little employment compared to what it will displace both inside the SEZ and outside it (and that too of the skilled variety). This will undermine any trickle down that is being talked of.


There is likely to be diversion of resources from the non-SEZ areas to the SEZs. For instance, water aquifers would be used rapidly as has happened in the past and the poor people in the surrounding areas will be
deprived of water

SEZs are likely to involve concessions in income tax, corporation tax, excise, customs and sales taxes so that there will be substantial revenue loss compared to the potential tax collection. Further, to the extent, industry will shift from the non-SEZ areas where they are required to pay taxes to the SEZs where taxes would not be required to be paid, there would be a decline in tax collections.

Further, due to smuggling of cheap goods from SEZs to the rest of the country, there will be further loss of tax collection. When smuggling takes place easily from outside the guarded borders, it is not difficult to imagine that this would be easy from the unguarded SEZs. The resultant revenue losses will aggravate the deficit in the budgets and will result in cut back in expenditures to fulfill the FRBM Act requirements. Most of the time these cuts tend to be in the social sectors which will worsen the situation for the poor.

Finally, as has happened so often in the past, there will be over investment in the SEZs. As suggested earlier, this would be at the expense of the non-SEZ areas of the country. This would result in imbalanced development and a rise in uncertainty for the economy with consequential impact on the poor who by then would be out of jobs.

In brief, the macroeconomic situation will face major challenges. Employment in the SEZs would rise but would be adversely affected elsewhere. Output net of the loss of production in the activities that were carried on prior to the setting up of the SEZs, in the small scale sector and in the displaced industries would rise much less than claimed. Similarly, investment would rise but much less than being suggested because of the destruction of assets in SEZs and the small scale sectors and displacement from the rest to the SEZs. Loss of tax revenue would be substantial and would affect the budgetary calculus. All in all, the macroeconomic portents are not very promising.

Enclave development

It is also clear from the earlier section, the SEZ areas will develop substantially at the expense of the non-SEZ areas. This is likely to accentuate the already rising disparities. Loss of taxes will lead to shortage of funds for development in the non-SEZ areas.

There is likely to be diversion of resources from the non-SEZ areas to the SEZs. For instance, water aquifers would be used rapidly as has happened in the past and the poor people in the surrounding areas will be starved of water. The only way to prevent differentiation from rising further is to declare the whole country an SEZ. One may ask why limit the supposed benefits of SEZs to only limited areas and aggravate disparities?

Conclusions

This paper has analysed some of the key features relevant to the creation of SEZs. It is argued in the article that the SEZ policy is a part of the policy of `growth at any cost’ with the cost falling on the already marginalised sections in the rural areas. Huge concessions are being offered to the developers of SEZs and the entrepreneurs for locating in the SEZs. The beneficiaries are likely to be the affluent and skilled sections of the population. Thus, those who gain and those that lose will be different sections of the people.

It has been argued that those displaced will not get the market price for their land and even if they do, this price would not take into account many of the hidden costs, like, being a part of a community. As such, payment of a market price for land will not be a `just’ compensation, specially to those who do not understand the institutions of saving and investment.

Displacement will not be just of agriculturists but of a far larger number of people associated with a way of life which will be totally disrupted. Market price does not factor this in since it is at best based on the future flow of incomes (with capitalist development) from the piece of land acquired. It is not valued from the point of view of the displaced to whom the way of life being destroyed may be worth much more, specially, in the long run. Unfortunately, some Marxists seem to be going for a new form of class struggle where the workers and capitalists will together fight the marginalised, the farmers and tribals who instead of getting their support are being treated as anti- industrialisation.

The eGOM has not been able to resolve the problem of acquisition of land. If the government does so, it would pay much less than the potential market price but if this is left to the private sector, land mafia would be involved and the price paid would be much lower than the market price. There is really no solution. Further, it is argued that many in the rural areas do not possess land and will get little compensation when they are displaced. They will join the ranks of the unemployed in the urban areas. Those who do get compensation will find that they would not be able to start businesses since they lack the experience for it (this is the age of core competency). Finally, at a time when the crisis in the small scale sector would only worsen, asking the inexperienced farmers to start small industry or business would be doing them a disservice.

It is argued in this paper that employment generation in SEZs will not be able to compensate for the loss of employment in the activities the SEZs will displace and in the small scale sectors which are likely to be hit hard. Further, the output increase will be much less than claimed and investment will be at the expense of the non-SEZ areas and less than claimed since there will also be destruction of capital. Finally, it is pointed out that the more successful the SEZs the more would be the loss of revenue to the government due to the tax concessions. There is likely to be large scale smuggling and new possibilities of transfer pricing and siphoning out of profits.

There would be enclave development and disparities would rise. Migration to urban areas will rise and they will face further collapse. The excess land being allotted to the SEZs will result in the creation of new landlords. Government is creating new landlords 60 years after independence and long after it was thought prudent to end landlordism in the country. Reports suggest that some large SEZs being set up by the corporates will be known as “…desh”, like, Bangladesh, where the well off will live in style.

If the overall gains from SEZs are so unclear and the government is going ahead with the scheme, then it can only be because it wants to give concessions to certain sections (who are pushing for it). The central government is playing the same role as the World Bank and IMF do in making nation states to compete for capital and give concessions to it. The SEZ policy is making the states compete with each other to get capital. Those states that do not go for SEZs will suffer because others will go ahead and attract investment.

Given the negative features of SEZs, even allowing 5,000 hectares is too much land for one SEZ. Having hundreds of them sprouting in the country is even worse. In brief, if SEZs are the logical culmination of the current Indian strategy of `growth-at-any-cost’ with the cost falling on Bharat then one needs to not only scrap SEZ policy but the development strategy itself.


The writer is professor of economics, JNU, New Delhi

Mukesh Ambani To Build $1 Billion "Home" Amidst Mumbai’s Multimillion Slum Dwellers

June 6, 2007

By Parwini Zora

06 June, 2007
World Socialist Web

The richest man in India, Mukesh Ambani, is reportedly building a 27-storey skyscraper mansion in the heart of the country’s commercial capital, Mumbai (Bombay). The total cost of the project is expected to be US$1 billion, roughly the average annual income of 1.5 million Indians.

Ambani is erecting his lavish “home” in a city that has 7 million slum dwellers. Several million more of Mumbai’s 12 million-plus residents live in substandard housing. Such is the price of real estate in Mumbai that even well-paid middle-class professionals cannot afford a decent dwelling. In what is clearly an unintended irony, Ambani has named his mansion “Antilia,” after a mythical island.

Due to a sustained real estate bubble in Mumbai, Ambani’s unbuilt house and the 4,532-square-metre plot on which it is being erected are already estimated to be worth more than US$1.2 billion.

Mukesh Ambani and his brother Anil are the inheritors of their late father’s Reliance Group, India’s largest private company. Mukesh Ambani’s portion of Reliance Group includes the huge petrochemical division and textile-manufacturing plants. According to the Forbes’ 2007 list of the world’s richest people, the 50-year-old Mukesh Ambani is the 14th-richest person in the world, with a net worth of US$20.1 billion.

Ambani’s architect has said the first six floors of the skyscraper mansion will be reserved for parking. Immediately above will be lodgings for 600 servants and their families. Eight floors have been reserved for “entertainment,” including a mini-theatre and a number of swimming pools, and several more floors will house a health club and rooms for guests.

Mukesh Ambani, his wife, three children, and mother will occupy the top four, non-service, floors, giving them a panoramic view of both Mumbai’s Arabian Sea coastline and the city’s skyline as well as easy access to three helipads on the skyscraper’s roof.

Ambani and various aides and sycophants are reported to consider the proposed mansion as “comparable to those owned by his friends such as Lakshmi Mittal,” the UK-based Indian steel tycoon who last year bought the most expensive house in London for 60 million pounds.

Speaking to (India) timesonline, a Mumbai-based architect commented, “Our wealthiest citizens used to hide their money…they would not drive their Mercedes, they lived in small apartments. Even Mr. Ambani’s father lived in a small block of flats. They were afraid of the taxman. But that attitude has gone; Mukesh has made his money and good for him if he wants to flaunt it.”

While India’s rich now shamelessly flaunt their wealth, fully three quarters of India’s population of 1.1 billion live in abysmal poverty, with tens of millions regularly receiving insufficient nourishment.

According to official government estimates, the number of people living in substandard, slumlike dwellings has more than doubled in the past two decades, rising from 27.9 million in 1981 to 61.8 million in 2001.

The social misery and economic insecurity of the vast majority of urban and rural Indians have become especially acute since 1991, when the Indian elite abandoned a national economic-development strategy in favor of fully integrating India into the world capitalist economy and making India a cheap-labour producer for the world market. Even while the country’s economy has grown dramatically, many hundreds of millions of rural and urban poor have become further impoverished.

The agricultural sector, which provides more than 60 percent of all Indians with their livelihood, has been devastated by the diversion of funds from agriculture to the infrastructure projects favoured by Indian and international capital, the reduction in agricultural price supports, and other pro-investor policies.

The state of Maharashtra, whose capital is Mumbai, has witnessed the emergence of a new, abhorrent social phenomenon—suicides of indebted farmers. This year alone, 416 debt-ridden, cotton-growing farmers in the state’s Vidarbha region have taken their own lives.

Meanwhile, millions of small-scale peasants and landless agricultural labourers have been forced to migrate to cities in search of work, greatly expanding the slums in the cities.

“The rise in slums is due to the lack of affordable housing provided by the government,” said Maju Varghese, a representative of the Yuva Urban, a non-governmental organisation (NGO) that works with Mumbai’s urban poor. “The Government has withdrawn from the whole area of housing and land prices have gone to such heights that people can’t afford proper housing. Slums are here to stay. The government has completely ignored this problem.”

Mumbai, which has India’s largest slum population, also has the dubious honour of containing Asia’s largest single slum, Dharavi.

The slum, which is home to more than a million people, is considered by Mumbai’s political and economic elite to be a blight on the city. A blight it wants to eliminate by a “slum clearance” campaign that will render—as such campaigns have repeatedly done in cities across India—the slum-dwellers homeless.

Recently, the government put the 223-hectare slum up for sale to international property developers, with advertisements splashed in newspapers all over the world, including the Wall Street Journal and the Financial Times. The advertisements proclaim the sale as “the opportunity of the millennium,” offering a “perennial source of income” to the successful bidders.

As part of the state and municipal governments’ plan to convert Mumbai into a “world-class city,” Dharavi’s slum dwellings are to be replaced by seven-storey apartment blocks, hospitals, schools, gardens, jogging tracks and even a golf-driving range for an estimated cost of about US$2.3 billion.

Arputham Jockin, the president of the National Slum Dwellers Federation, recently told the press, “selling this land to the global market and giving it over for commercial use—how will that improve our lives? Ninety per cent of the people here want a stake in their future and a say in how it is transformed. It has to work from the bottom up. Not top down.” He warned that a ruthless land-acquisition plan on the part of the state government could well result in a “bloodbath.”

Opponents of the slum’s demolition have already hung black flags over their homes. Most of those who will be “relocated” are not only threatened with homelessness but also with the loss of their livelihood. According to unofficial estimates, Dharavi accounts for US$1 billion in annual economic activity driven by various cottage industries such as potteries, tanneries, bakeries, metal workshops and, prominently, garbage recycling.

So scarce and expensive is housing in Mumbai that even a small 8×10-foot hut in Dharavi is valued at between Rs. 150,000 and 300,000 (US$3,600 and US$7,200). As a result, an estimated 42 percent of the Mumbai’s slum dwellers are forced to live on less than 10 square metres (about 108 square feet) of land with every 800 or so people forced to share a single toilet.

Sixty-year-old Razman, living in Dharvi for the last 10 years, showed his “house” to BBC reporters by stretching its walls with his outstretched hands. This small dwelling is home to five members of his family including two small children. Said Razman, “We want change and for conditions to improve for the people who live here. There is nowhere for my grandchildren to play, but I cannot afford to move from here.”

25th Anniversary day of the founding of The ‘All India federation of Organisatios for Demoratic Rights.

May 30, 2007

We here publish an Article on All India Federation of Organizations for Democratic Rights on the occasion of its 25th Anniversary day.

Harsh Thakor

This day is the 25th anniversary year of the founding conference of the All India Federation of Organizations for Democratic Rights which was held on May 29th 1982 in Guntur in Andhra Pradesh.This federation marked the historic trend of an All India trend to promote the democratic Rights Movement as a struggle oriented one, which recognized the right to struggle against socio-economic repression as the fundamental right from which stem up all democratic Rights.The organizations that merged into the federation were the Association for Democratic Rights of India(Punjab),the Organization for Protection of Democratic Rights(Andhra Pradesh),the Lok Shahi Hakk Sanghatana(Maharashtra),the Gantanatrik Adhikar Suraksha SAmit(Orissa) ,Janadhipatya Avakasa Samrakshana Samiti,Kerala and the Janatantrik Adhikar Surkasha Samiit(Rajasthan) Although he civil liberties movement started from the 1950’s the demarcation of civil liberties with democratic Rights was not made. The historic manifesto was as follows


1.Mobilise public opinion against al fascist laws,acts and atrocities by the ruling classes.

2. Propogate and organize amomg the people about the democratic Rights

3.Give all assistance to the people whose rights were abused.

4.Build unity among all sections possible explaining the connection between their interest.

To build a movement for the right to political dissent and thus demand the unconditional release of all political prisoners.

5.To oppose all capital punishment and build public opinion against it.

6.To protect academic and cultural freedoms and oppose state interference

7.To strive to establish the correct practice o the democratic Rights Movement.


The first such democratic Rights organization representing the correct trend was the Organization for Protection of Democratic Rights formed in Andhra Pradesh in 1975.They fought against the trend where the democratic Rights platform was used as a platform for promoting political ideology. This is what differentiated the O.P.D.R with the A.P.C.LC(Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Comitee) .It was O.P.D.R that was the founder of the slogan’It should be broad-baded,pro-people, and recognize the right to struggle of the people as the fundamental right’In ontrast the A.P.C.L.C propogated that the democratic Rights Movement should uphold the path of ‘armed struggle.’The first major work of O.P D.R was the report on the Srikakulam Girjian Movement 1977 with regard to police encounters.This was one of the most significant reports in the democratic Rights. Movement in India and the first of it’s kind.Hundreds of Girijan families were interviewed and the agency of Srikakulam area was extensively toured.The report narrated the historic background f the Srikakula Girijan Movement which originated in 1967.The taem demanded the unconditional release of all political prisoners and for a all parliamentary committee to inquire into the socio-economic conditios in the Agency areas.It was also demanded that the guilty policeman be brought to the book,police camps removed and that he ‘Distrurbed areas act be scrapped.’ All the victims were innocent sympathizers and not what the police alleged them to be.Earlier O.P.D.R had also propogated against the death sentence of Kista Gowd and Bhumiah In 1975 during e emergency.In 1978 it conducted a historical investigation in East Godavri district.Several innocent Girijans were arrested and police camps were launched. Two innocent Girijans perished In police Firing.O.P.D.R demanded an inquiry and punishment to he guilty policeman.A demand for withdrawal of police camps was made as well as for the protection of Girijan’s lands.. A campaign was done to defend the 1917 and 1959 Tribal area land regulation act.


In the 1980’s O.P.D.R highlighted a huge range of other issues on all sections ,whether tribals, peasants ,workers students or middle class employees.(like teachers)Male chauvinism was opposed as well as caste Chauvinism.It also took out a campaign against te ‘Rape and murder of Shakeela’Custodial rapes were opposed like that of Ramizabee in 1978 in Hyderabad.Other cases wee of Shakhila in Bonagiri and Erukula Kistappa in Ananthapur district.Further reports were carried out on the East Godavri tribals in 1983 and the issue of Communalism was also highlighted. Living conditions of quarry workers was researched in Krishna district as wel as Guntur district. Starvation deaths were investigated in Kolapur Taluka in 1985Mass propaganda was done against Police encounters wiht A.P.C.LC.But the struggle-oriented trend was always emphasized.(The author attended 2 conferences of O.P.D.R.in 1986 and 1990). In Vijaynagarm district O.P.D.R organized a campaign against police firing on 4 people.O.P.D.R took out a report on repression in Sircila In Karimnagar. In 1978 opposing repression on the Rythu Coolie Sangham demands were made for the repealing of cases and charges on innocent peasant mass activists of the Rythu Coolie Sangham.. In July 1982.Again In 1982 November O.P.D.R investigated the killing of 2 Girijans,Kunja Rajulu and Madam Laxmiah in Kondomadulu In East Godavri District.


The O.P.D.R also took out several reports on issues of drought like in Krishna ,Medak and Nalgonda,Prakasham and Srikakulam districtdistrict, where the govt’s anti-people policies were explained .Even relief was carried out..This was predominant in Krishna district.Tremendous efforts we made to defend the rights of the rural poor.East Godavrid district was given great attention as well as Karimnagar. .Campaigns were launched protesting against attacks by Bank officials on Riots in Nalgonda district in 1982.


Mass campaigns were also organized against police firing.A campaign was launched to oppose the unconstitutional overthrow of the N.T.R Govt. The organisation also protected student Movements an once successfuly fought for thre right of the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union to propagate their programme in aUniversity room which he authorities at first disallowed. In 1984 Often the platform of the Andhra Pradesh Civil liberties Committee was used as a platfrorm of Maoist groups to propogate ideology.The Organization brought out an Organ ‘ Janpadam’O.P.D.R also opposed the trend of individual terrorism in the People’s Movement as opposed to mass based Movements.True O.P.D.R did virtually all it’s fact-finding reports wit AP.C.L.C but never compromised the ideological difference.It is significant that the left sectarian trend in the Maosit Movement deployed it’s cadre in the A.P.C.L.C and not in the O.P.D.R.(Could not differentiate between party and mass platform)It was a tribute that O.P.D.R had units in so many districts like Srikakulam,East Godavri,Nalgonda,Vijayawada,Krishna district,Hyderabd City


The A.F.D.R.(Punjab)also did significant work in investigating the Naxalite encounters of the early 1970’s .It also played an important role in defending democratic movements .In the early 1980’s the A F D R organized trade Unions opposing the black Laws and formed a joint democratic Front which opposed the curbing of trade Union rights. The way the govt was using black laws in the name of curbing terrorist was explained with great depth..Infact the no existence of such an organization in the time of the emergency was the prime reason of the defeat the Communist revolutionary led movements in Punjab in the 1970’s.

The federation(A.I.F.O.F.D.R) brought out many historic reports through fact-finding teams. During the Khalistan movement a report was brought out which gave a political analysis of the Punjab Problem in the political and socio-economic light had explained how the State functioned as an agent of the Khalistani terrorism.The report explained the genesis of the Khalistani Movement and how the Congress Govt led by Indira Gandi(It was Indira Gandhi who created Bhindranwale) used it to subvert the democratic movements and to topple the Sikh Communal Akali Dal.The ruling class parties connived with the landlords to suppress the democratic movements and used Khalistani gangs against each other to capture power. The report reported the progressive movements led by left organizations combating the Khalistani terror and upheld all the Communist martyrs In the struggle.The fact finding team interviewed all section s of people from peasants,to workers to students to politicians and gained very useful information.



A.F.D.R(formed in 1977) played a major role investigating false police encounters and standing by and giving solidarity to al the anti-Khalistani democratic movements by organisations like he Front against Communalism and state repression and the Revolutionary Centre. Several reports were brought about explaining the nexus between the landlords with the Khalistani forces.The Organization continuously explained the need of mass combat struggle to defeat the communal forces and how the ruling classes were using the Khalistani movement to suppress the people’s day to day struggles.Great anti-communal propaganda was done which as appreciated by the oppressed sections and many a policeman was brought to the book.Attacks on democratic rights by the police like the raiding of villages(Daoke in Amritsar district in 1984 and in the Malant-Lambi area are famous incidents which the organsiation investigated) was a common occurrence,like in Operation Woodrose.A.F.D.R did most creditable work campaigning against the police attacks on the innocent Sikh youth.The organsiation brought out a monthly paper alee ‘Jamhoori Hakk’. A protracted and sustained campaign was carried out exposing state and Khalistani terror.A.F.D.R investigated several instances of repression of workers.(particularly in Ludhiana eg in Sahan Woollen mils)).In 1995 it carried out a report on a May Day attck on workers at Sangrur of he Sangrur Industrial Corpoation where workers opposed their illegal termination.Creditable work was done against repression on members of a rickshaw Union and against kidnaping of student leaders by plainclothes polieman.Sustained campiags were taken out opposing the National Security Act,the Terrorist and Disruptive Areas act,the Disturbe Areas act Etc.Atrocities on women,o Harijan labour,on cases of bonded labour as well as legal aid comitees were it’s other contributions to the movement.A.F.D.R had units in Amritsar,Jalandhar,Ludhiana,Faridkot,Bhatinda ,Sangrur.


In Orissa the G.A S.S.made all efforts to promote the movement opposing the Baliapal Missile base.It also supported the movement of the Adivasi SAngh of the Malkangiri region and gave all support to the anti –people development policies of the govt. promoting high-tech. Another famous report was brought out by the Federation based on the peoples Movement against the building of a missile base in Baliapal in Orissa. The report covered all the areas of Baliapal and explained the policies of the government which promoted military expansionism at the cost of he economic welfare. The class angle as also elaborated but unity with the better off sections like rich farmers was suported .The report highlighted the false propaganda of he government which stressed that too little was spent on defence..


In Maharashtra the Lok Shahi Hakk Sanghatana(formed in 1978) did significant work in bringing out reports on repression on slumdwellers where the relationship with the trade Union movement was projected.L.H.S alos did acampaign against poice torture ,fought agaisnt the retrenchment of workers in Mukesh Mils in Mumbai in Colaba area,took up poster and leafleting campaigns against communalism(against the Ram Janmabhoomi and Rath Yatra or Mandir propaganda).With regards to communalism emphasis was palced on the role of the working class.LHS also brought out reports on drought and in 1983 and 1989 brought outrepost on repression by the C.P.M on Kashtakari Sanghatana,a struggling organization of Adivasis in Dahanu.(A tribal region of Maharashtra)The report brilliantly explained the relationship betwewn the socio-economic conditions of the Adivasis and the repressin by the C.P.M.In 1984 it investigated the riouis in Bhiwandi from aWorking class viewpoint and also the firing in Goregaon. L.HS also did propaganda in working calls areas opposing state trepresion in Bihar and in Andhra Pradesh.Peaasnt leaders from Bihar were invited to address the gathering.Significant work was done in 1992-93 during the Mumbai riots to build struggle committees promoting communal solidarity .L.HS brought out reports on Contract workers at the Airport in Mumbai and on the closure of the Mills in Mubai with a historic socio-economic angle.Although LHS worked with Commitee For Protection of Democratic Rights there was a difference in the approach of work.It was L.HS that worked I the factories and the Chawls projecting democratic Rights issues.Earlier it had a paper called ‘Lok Hakk’.The author has vivid memories how activists of the left sectarian trend in the Maosit Movement would use the O.P.D.R platform and not work within L.H S.In Rajasthan also significant solidarity work was done with regards to black laws and communalism


The federation held 2 Sammelans,one in 1990 in Udaipur and the other in 1995 in Faridkot..here was no great mass mobilization but the methods of work and issues we of historical significance.A.I.F.O.F.D.R also brought out reports on drought and on the massacre of Christian missionaries in Orissa in 1999.


Historic resolutions have been passed by the Federation on repression on Kashmiri People, Punjab Problem, ,state repression in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh,retrenchment of workers in West Bengal, Black Laws tc.Upto the early 1990’s the Federation progressed at an All India level but sadly by the late 1990’s the trend declined. The A.F.D.R hardly now displayed the same militant orientation and nor did the O.P.D.R.


The author of his article wishes that the readers of this site could get hold of the earlier issues of he A.I.FO.F.D.R organ called “In Defence of Democratic Rights .’and help in reprinting and re-distributing the issues .Brilliant portrayals have been done on communalism ,Repression on peasants and Workers Struggles EtcThe genesis of the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition s and communal riots in the aftermath is well explained.


Today a struggle oriented democratic Rights Movement is very much needed which relates the cause of democratic Rights as different from mere civil liberties.Civil liberties are what exists in the Constitutio,but democarti Rights have always been won over by the people .Eg.The rights of Black people in America or the Working Class in England.Today in ligt of the advance of he Specia economic Zones and repression on the Nandigram peasant struggle a united democratic Rights movement is the need o the hour.


Let us remember this day when a federation was formed 25 years in Guntur in Andhar Pradesh ago to promote he Democratic Rights Movement.


The author wishes that readers could obtain articles on the history of the Democratic Rights Movement and get he earlier reports of te Federation.All readers could kindly request the author of the article.It is impossible in this article to refer to all of the reports and struggles.Please alo read the 1985 December issue of Democratic Rights which historically differentiates civil librties from Democratic Rights. Also purchase reports of A.I.F.O.F.D.R. like the 1987 All India Fact finding report on ‘The Punjab Problem-A Report to the nation.’done in 1987.Alos get 1983 L.H.S report on Repressio in Dahanu.’